The battle for the soul of Osun State this August, when its governorship election will hold, is not just in sheer slogans, but in the ideas that can stand the real test of time, writes Shola Oyeyipo.

Indeed, every election presents voters with a choice. Sometimes, it is a choice between personalities. At other times, it is a choice between competing ideologies.

More often than not, however, elections are ultimately about continuity and change—whether a society should consolidate an existing path or abandon it in favour of a new direction.

As Osun State gradually inches towards another governorship election cycle in August, this debate is already beginning to take shape, and redefining the balance.

Beyond the usual political rhetoric and partisan exchanges lies a fundamental question that will likely define the electoral conversation in the months ahead: what should be the next phase of Osun’s development journey?

For supporters of the All Progressives Congress (APC), the answer lies in building upon the foundations laid during the administration of former Governor Gboyega Oyetola between 2018 and 2022.

Their argument is straightforward. They contend that governance is most effective when progress is cumulative, when succeeding leaders improve on existing achievements rather than dismantle them, and when development is approached as a long-term project rather than a series of disconnected political cycles.

It is against this backdrop that the emergence of Munirudeen Bola Oyebamiji (AMBO), with his seven-point PROSPER Agenda, has generated considerable interest within political circles in Osun.

The significance of the agenda lies not merely in its promises but in the extent to which it seeks to connect future aspirations with previous accomplishments.

 From Fiscal Stability to Economic Expansion

One of the strongest pillars of the Oyetola administration was fiscal management. When the administration assumed office, Osun faced significant financial pressures arising from debt obligations, infrastructure deficits and competing developmental needs.

Yet by the end of the administration, budget implementation rates had improved significantly, nearly N100 billion of inherited debt had reportedly been retired, and the state had emerged as one of Nigeria’s leading destinations for foreign capital inflows outside Lagos and Abuja.

These achievements provided a level of economic stability that many observers considered necessary for sustainable growth.

The PROSPER Agenda’s focus on poverty alleviation, workers’ welfare and job creation can therefore be viewed as an attempt to move beyond stabilisation towards expansion.

The challenge facing Osun today is no longer simply balancing the books. It is creating sufficient economic opportunities for a growing youth population while reducing poverty and inequality.

By proposing targeted interventions for vulnerable citizens, enterprise support programmes and expanded economic opportunities for young people and women, the agenda seeks to address one of the most pressing realities confronting the state: economic growth must be felt by ordinary citizens if it is to have lasting meaning.

 Why Economic Opportunity Matters

The emphasis on economic growth within the PROSPER framework is perhaps one of its most defining strategically important components.

Previous administrations invested heavily in creating enabling environments for businesses through industrial initiatives such as the Free Trade Zone, the International Trade Centre and Dry Port project, market modernisation programmes and MSME financing interventions.

Yet infrastructure alone cannot guarantee prosperity. The real test is whether investments translate into jobs, wealth creation and higher living standards.

This explains why the agenda places significant emphasis on strengthening the investment promotion architecture of the state, supporting small businesses and attracting both domestic and foreign investors.

Supporters argue that if Osun was able to attract significant capital investments under previous APC administrations, then a more aggressive investment drive could potentially unlock even greater opportunities in manufacturing, agriculture, technology and services.

 Agriculture as the Missing Link

No sector, perhaps, better illustrates the relationship between continuity and future growth than agriculture.

The Oyetola administration invested substantially in cocoa development, cassava production, rice cultivation and livestock services. These interventions increased productivity and provided support to thousands of farmers.

Yet agriculture remains largely underdeveloped relative to its enormous potential.

AMBO’s proposal for agro-industrial clusters and modern farm settlements appears designed to address this challenge.

The logic is simple: rather than exporting raw agricultural produce, Osun can generate greater economic value by processing, packaging and marketing agricultural products within the state.

If effectively implemented, such an approach could stimulate industrialisation, create jobs and increase internally generated revenue.

 Human Capital as a Development Strategy

It’s a no-brainer that no society can achieve sustainable prosperity without investing in its people.

This reality was evident in the Oyetola administration’s prioritisation of education and healthcare through increased budgetary allocations, teacher recruitment, school feeding programmes and revitalisation of primary healthcare facilities.

The PROSPER Agenda builds directly on these foundations.

Its emphasis on technical education, vocational training and healthcare improvement reflects growing recognition that future economic competitiveness will depend largely on the quality of human capital available to drive innovation and productivity.

For Osun, which has historically enjoyed a reputation as one of Nigeria’s educationally advanced states, the challenge is ensuring that education remains connected to economic realities and labour market needs.

 Security and the Development Question

Development and security are inseparable. Investors rarely commit resources to environments characterised by instability. Communities let alone commerce cannot thrive where insecurity persists.

Aligning with others for the establishment of the Amotekun Corps and the creation of conflict prevention mechanisms during the APC administration reflected an understanding of this reality.

The PROSPER Agenda seeks to deepen these efforts through enhanced collaboration with security agencies and stronger community-based approaches.

In an era where security concerns continue to shape national conversations, such proposals are likely to resonate with many citizens.

The Infrastructure Imperative

Infrastructure remains one of the most visible indicators of governance. From roads and bridges to water systems and public facilities, physical infrastructure shapes both economic activity and quality of life.

The Oyetola years witnessed extensive investments in roads, rural connectivity, water infrastructure, housing and public utilities.

Rather than treating these projects as completed achievements, the PROSPER Agenda presents them as foundations requiring further expansion.

The emphasis on renewed infrastructure, tourism and culture reflects an understanding that development is an ongoing process requiring constant investment and innovation.

More Than a Campaign Document

Ultimately, the PROSPER Agenda will be judged not by the elegance of its design but by its practicality and relevance to the needs of Osun people.

Yet, its political significance extends beyond policy prescriptions.

The agenda represents an attempt to frame the August, 2026 governorship conversation around continuity, consolidation and future growth. It seeks to persuade voters that development is most effective when successive administrations build upon existing gains rather than discard them.

Whether that argument ultimately resonates with the electorate remains to be seen.

What is certain, however, is that the debate over Osun’s future will increasingly revolve around competing visions of development.

On one side will be those who argue for a new direction. On the other will be those who insist that the most sustainable path forward is to deepen and expand the foundations already laid.

This is particularly noteworthy since the incumbent, Ademola Adeleke, seems to personify failure in every box of development indices, more so by seeeking to trivialise governance and reduce it to a mere circus show.

In that contest of ideas, the PROSPER Agenda is likely to become more than a manifesto. It may well become the framework through which supporters seek to define the next chapter of governance in Osun State.

In Nigerian politics, where visibility is often mistaken for relevance and loud rhetoric frequently overshadows substance, Lagos State Deputy Governor, Obafemi Hamzat, has built a political identity that stands him out. Jonathan Eze writes.

Without fanfare or political theatrics, Lagos Deputy Governor, Obafemi Kadiri Hamzat, has cultivated a reputation rooted in intellect, competence, humility and service.

Over the years, Hamzat has evolved beyond the status of a conventional politician. He has become a distinctive political brand in Lagos, earning respect across party lines, professional circles, traditional institutions and grassroots communities.

His appeal is not the product of relentless self-promotion but of a carefully nurtured record of diligence, accessibility and administrative effectiveness.

In a state renowned for producing influential political figures, Hamzat has carved out a niche defined by quiet efficiency. His rise has been driven less by political spectacle than by a reputation for getting things done.

Hamzat’s Identity

Observers increasingly speak of a “Hamzat Identity”—a political persona characterised by civility, competence and humility in leadership. It reflects the enduring Yoruba ideal of Omoluabi, which values integrity, responsibility, wisdom and good character.

As discussions around the 2027 governorship election gather momentum, Hamzat’s growing appeal appears to be the culmination of decades of public service rather than a product of political circumstance. His supporters argue that he represents a rare combination of technocratic expertise and political maturity.

Unlike many politicians who thrive on confrontation, Hamzat is widely regarded as measured and disciplined. Throughout his years in government, he has demonstrated an ability to engage differing opinions without rancour. Those who have worked with him often describe him as approachable, respectful and deeply committed to public service.

His appeal extends beyond governance. He projects simplicity and accessibility despite occupying one of the highest offices in Lagos. Whether interacting with professionals, traditional rulers, students or market traders, he has maintained a reputation for treating people with respect regardless of status.

That humility may prove significant in Lagos, where voters increasingly value leaders who combine competence with character. Hamzat appears to embody both qualities.

Experience and Leadership Credentials

One of Hamzat’s greatest strengths is his extensive governance experience. Having served under different administrations, he understands the complexities of public administration and consensus-building.

His involvement in major policy initiatives spanning technology, infrastructure, transportation and urban development has given him firsthand experience in managing the challenges of a rapidly expanding megacity.

His technocratic orientation is particularly relevant as Lagos confronts issues such as housing shortages, traffic congestion, flooding, waste management, digital governance and youth unemployment.

Addressing these challenges requires more than political rhetoric; it demands practical expertise and strategic thinking.

Equally important is his reputation as a bridge-builder. His calm temperament and consultative approach have enabled him to maintain productive relationships across different political and social constituencies. This ability to unite diverse interests could become a significant asset in a highly competitive electoral environment.

Obanikoro’s Appointment and Campaign Strategy

A major boost to Hamzat’s political machinery is the appointment of Senator Musiliu Obanikoro as Director-General of the governorship campaign.

The decision has been widely viewed by political observers as a strategic move. Obanikoro brings decades of political experience, grassroots mobilisation capacity and a deep understanding of Lagos politics.

His appointment reflects a campaign structure designed to combine administrative competence with political reach. It also demonstrates a willingness to leverage experience and broad networks in pursuit of electoral success.

For many analysts, the choice signals political foresight and an appreciation of the realities of modern electoral competition.

Factors Working in Hamzat’s Favour

Several factors position Hamzat as a formidable contender.

First is his governance record. Few prospective candidates possess comparable experience in policy formulation and implementation within Lagos State.

Second is his credibility among both political leaders and grassroots stakeholders. While he enjoys the confidence of key party figures, he has also earned respect among professionals, civil servants, community leaders and ordinary residents.

Third is his ability to project stability. At a time when many Nigerians express frustration with divisive politics, Hamzat’s reputation for moderation and consensus-building may appeal to voters seeking steady leadership.

Finally, his image as a disciplined public servant distinguishes him from many politicians whose careers are driven primarily by populist appeal.

Challenges Before the 2027 Poll

Despite these strengths, Hamzat’s path to Lagos Government House is unlikely to be straightforward.

One major challenge is the burden of continuity. As deputy governor, he will inevitably be associated with both the achievements and shortcomings of the current administration.

While supporters may point to progress in infrastructure and governance, critics are likely to focus on persistent concerns such as traffic congestion, housing affordability and the cost of living.

Another challenge is Lagos’ changing voter demographics. The state has witnessed the rise of a younger and increasingly independent-minded electorate that places greater emphasis on accountability, economic opportunities and social inclusion.

Hamzat will need to connect with these voters in ways that extend beyond his administrative record.

The opposition factor also remains significant. Although Lagos remains a stronghold of the All Progressives Congress, recent elections have demonstrated that opposition parties can no longer be dismissed. Electoral competition is becoming increasingly intense, particularly in urban areas and among younger voters.

There is also the issue of perception. Hamzat’s calm and reserved nature is widely admired, but politics often rewards visibility and aggressive public engagement.

Opponents may attempt to portray his quiet style as a lack of political dynamism. His campaign will therefore need to transform restraint into a compelling leadership narrative.

Internal party dynamics could present another hurdle. Lagos politics has historically been shaped by competing interests and power blocs within the ruling party. Maintaining party cohesion while expanding his support base will require considerable political skill.

Economic realities may further complicate the landscape. Public dissatisfaction arising from economic hardship often affects perceptions of incumbents and establishment figures. As a prominent member of the current administration, Hamzat may find himself defending circumstances beyond his direct control.

Ultimately, the 2027 governorship election will not be won on reputation alone. It will require effective organisation, coalition-building, persuasive communication and a clear vision for the future of Lagos.

Yet Hamzat enters the contest with considerable strengths. His political journey has been defined by competence, discipline, humility and strategic patience. He has built influence without confrontation and earned respect without demanding it.

Whether those qualities ultimately propel him to the governorship remains uncertain. What is clear, however, is that Hamzat has succeeded in creating a distinct political identity, one that resonates with both the political establishment and the wider public. In an era often dominated by noise and spectacle, that may prove to be one of his greatest advantages.

Jubril Abdullah

History often moves in paradoxes. The ideas that first provoke resistance frequently become the principles that later command consensus. The voices once dismissed as inconvenient or premature often return as prophetic echoes when reality catches up with vision. Across democracies and through the long arc of institutional evolution, transformative reforms have rarely emerged from convenience; they have emerged from persistence. Nigeria now stands at such a moment.

A profound political and constitutional threshold is being crossed. A longstanding jinx is being broken. Nigeria appears finally on the verge of embracing state policing and decentralising a security structure that for decades has struggled under the immense burden of securing a vast, complex and diverse federation. The significance of this moment cannot be overstated.

The Senate’s passage of the constitutional amendment bill establishing state police, following earlier approval by the House of Representatives, is not merely another legislative event in Abuja’s crowded political calendar. It represents one of the most consequential institutional reforms in Nigeria’s democratic history. But history demands honesty. Major national transformations do not emerge from nowhere. Behind every moment of arrival lie years of preparation, advocacy, intellectual labour and political courage.

If Nigeria is now approaching the destination of state policing, then Senator Uba Sani, the current Governor of Kaduna State, deserves recognition as one of the principal architects who first drew the map. Today perhaps constitutes the ultimate vindication of Governor Uba Sani.

Long before state police became fashionable; long before governors, policy experts and political leaders found common ground around the idea; long before consensus replaced suspicion, Uba Sani stood among a small but determined corps of reformers insisting that Nigeria’s security architecture had become dangerously disconnected from contemporary realities.

As senator in the 9th National Assembly, Uba Sani did not merely participate in debates surrounding state police. He moved beyond rhetoric into architecture. He recognised something fundamental: successful reforms are not built on slogans; they are built on systems.

Accordingly, he engineered a comprehensive legislative framework aimed at altering the 1999 Constitution and redesigning Nigeria’s policing structure to align with federal realities. The Constitution Alteration Bill (SB.592) sought to establish state police forces and State Police Service Commissions while redefining federal supervisory mechanisms. The Police Service Commission Act (Repeal and Re-Enactment) Bill (SB.594) clarified disciplinary jurisdictions and institutional mandates. The Nigerian Police Act (Amendment) Bill (SB.593) outlined operational structures for state policing, while the State Police Service Commission (Establishment) Bill (SB.595) established oversight and disciplinary frameworks.

Taken together, these were not isolated legislative curiosities floating independently through parliamentary procedure. They represented a coherent ecosystem. They anticipated criticism before criticism arrived, addressed practical questions before implementation challenges emerged, and recognised that decentralisation without regulation risks disorder while reform without accountability invites abuse.

The tragedy at the time was not that the ideas lacked merit. The tragedy was that political courage lagged behind legislative imagination. Though the bills progressed significantly, they eventually stalled at the Joint Committee on Constitutional Amendment. They became casualties not of conceptual weakness but of insufficient political will.

Yet history possesses a curious habit of returning to unfinished business. What once seemed controversial now appears increasingly inevitable. It got to a point when President Bola Ahmed Tinubu led the charge himself and openly urged constitutional amendments creating a legal framework for state police. The National Economic Council also, albeit shockingly,  witnessed all thirty-six governors align behind the proposal. Both chambers of the National Assembly have now moved significantly toward institutionalising the idea.

Vindication rarely arrives with fanfare. Often, it arrives quietly through the adoption of yesterday’s unpopular truths.

Governor Sani’s advocacy has consistently rested on a simple but powerful proposition: a federated republic requires a federated security architecture. As he once argued with characteristic clarity: “Nigeria requires a security architecture that is more responsive, more rooted in communities, and better equipped to confront the complex realities of local threats with urgency and precision.”

That statement captures perhaps the central weakness of the current structure. Nigeria today remains one of the world’s largest federations, yet policing remains almost entirely centralised. Such an arrangement increasingly appears out of step with demographic realities and contemporary security threats.

Governor Sani repeatedly grounded his argument in practical realities rather than political sentiment. As he observed: “In Nigeria today, we have less than 250,000 military personnel and less than 400,000 police personnel in the whole country.”

The implication is obvious. Numbers matter. Geography matters. Capacity matters. He expanded the point with even greater urgency: “There are some parts of Nigeria you move about 100 kilometres, even 200 kilometres, without seeing security personnel, yet people live in those places.”

That observation strikes at the centre of Nigeria’s security dilemma. Who protects such communities? Who gathers intelligence there? Who responds when violence erupts?

For years, insecurity across various parts of the country has exposed the limits of over-centralisation. Terrorism, banditry, kidnapping, communal violence and organised criminality have repeatedly demonstrated that no single command structure, however well-intentioned, can effectively supervise every locality from distant administrative centres.

Governor Sani repeatedly argued that effective policing depends upon proximity and local understanding. As he explained: “You take a police personnel from Akwa Ibom and take him to Birnin Gwari in Kaduna; it will take him a lot of time to understand the terrain.”

This is not an argument against national unity. It is an argument for operational efficiency. Security is often deeply local before it becomes national. Language, culture, geography and social relationships frequently determine the quality of intelligence and speed of response.

Critics of state police have long raised concerns about abuse by State Governors. Many feared that state police would become instruments of political intimidation. Yet Senator Uba Sani confronted such anxieties directly and repeatedly.

As he insisted, “Most of the people peddling the falsehood have not read the clause in the bill.” He further explained: “Every clause in this bill has a safeguard.”

Indeed, the approved constitutional alterations appear remarkably responsive to these concerns. Under the emerging framework, State Governors may appoint Commissioners of Police, but removal procedures remain insulated through institutional safeguards. State police cannot lawfully be deployed against critics, opposition parties or groups merely because they disagree with government. Federal intervention mechanisms remain available where abuse occurs.

While leaving the hallowed Chambers of the Senate where he had personally observed the voting by Senators for the establishment of State Police Services, Gov. Uba Sani explained the philosophy behind these protections succinctly. “People should endevour to read the law, the clauses in the Bill have made provisions for safeguards. A Governor can appoint the Commissioner of Police, but he cannot sack him,” he said in a media chat.

Those words reveal the sophistication of the legislative thinking behind the initiative. The debate was never between centralisation and chaos. The debate was always between smart decentralisation and inefficient over-centralisation.

Nigeria itself already demonstrates this contradiction. Across the South-West exists Amotekun. Across the South-East emerged Ebube Agu. Various forms of local security arrangements operate across Northern Nigeria. Necessity itself forced decentralisation long ago.

Yet Gov. Uba Sani identified a crucial weakness within these informal structures. As he noted that, “Vigilance services cannot do much in the dangerous and sophisticated war against bandits and terrorists.” He added with characteristic bluntness: “You are just pushing them to death sentence.”

The point was difficult to dispute. Asking lightly equipped community groups to confront heavily armed insurgents often amounts to deploying courage against superior firepower. Hence his insistence that constitutional reform must replace improvisation.

The significance of this moment for Governor Uba Sani extends beyond legislative foresight because his advocacy did not remain confined to Senate chambers. Upon assuming office as Governor of Kaduna State, he sought to operationalise many of the principles he had long championed.

Security meetings became institutionalised. Intelligence collaboration deepened. Community leaders, religious authorities, youth organisations and traditional institutions became active participants in conflict management and peace-building. The broader philosophy linked security with development.

Schools previously shut by insecurity reopened. Rural economic activities gradually returned. Community trust improved. Social inclusion became a strategic tool of stability rather than merely a political slogan.

Importantly, Uba Sani has repeatedly argued that security cannot be understood simply as the absence of violence. He insists that peace without opportunity remains fragile; security without inclusion remains temporary and that stability without development remains vulnerable.

Perhaps this explains why he described the current constitutional reform in deeply national terms when he recently returned to the Senate Chamber to witness deliberations on state police. “There is a deep sense of fulfilment in seeing a reform that many of us championed with conviction now gathering meaningful momentum.”

He continued: “This proposed reform represents more than a constitutional adjustment; it is an important step towards building a safer and more secure nation.”

Those words carry unusual significance because they come from someone who pursued the cause long before political winds shifted in its favour.

There is also a lesson here for public life. Too often, politics rewards immediate applause over long-term thinking. Too often, difficult reforms are postponed because consensus appears inconvenient. Yet enduring institutional change frequently begins with individuals willing to defend ideas before those ideas become popular.

Years ago, when Uba Sani sponsored these proposals in the Senate, he did not know he would become Governor of Kaduna State. He pursued them because he believed Nigeria’s future security depended upon them.

Today many who once questioned the idea now stand among its advocates. History often rewards those willing to see tomorrow before others can.

Nigeria appears finally ready to embrace an idea whose time has come. And when future generations write the story of how the nation transformed its security architecture, they may conclude that the movement toward state policing did not truly begin in 2026.

It began years earlier, when a senator named Uba Sani saw a future many had not yet imagined, and possessed the courage, conviction and legislative craftsmanship to begin building it. Today, that future appears closer than ever.

And in that unfolding national story lies perhaps the ultimate vindication of Governor  Sani.

• Jubril Abdullah, a Freelance Journalist, resides in Kawo, Kaduna.

 ABDULKAREEM RAMMADAN-AKEREBIATA

As the contest over who succeeds Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq intensifies within the All Progressives Congress (APC), one figure appears to be charting a markedly different political course.

While the state’s political conversation has been dominated by reports of resistance from a group of governorship aspirants to the perceived emergence of Speaker Saliu Danladi as the governor’s preferred successor, Engr. Femi Sanni, popularly known as Araba, has conspicuously stayed away from both camps.

In a season of endorsements, counter-endorsements and internal power struggles, Araba has chosen another strategy: selling himself directly to party members and ordinary Kwarans rather than becoming a visible actor in the unfolding succession battle.

That approach has made him something of an underdog.

Political underdogs are often overlooked because they lack the backing of entrenched structures. Yet history shows that such politicians can sometimes redefine political contests by appealing beyond the established camps.

What makes Araba’s seeming underdog status particularly intriguing is the political pedigree that underpins his journey. Unlike many aspirants whose public profile has largely evolved around government appointments or contemporary political structures, his supporters point to roots in the progressive democratic movement that predate the current political order.

Until recently, only a small circle of former NADECO chieftains reportedly knew that Araba was among those who quietly financed the pro-democracy struggle while living in exile during the military era. His role remained largely outside public attention until recent disclosures brought that chapter of his political history into wider focus.

His long-standing attachment to progressive politics also resurfaced during the current succession process. His 2003 House of Representatives contest on the platform of the Alliance for Democracy (AD), one of the political traditions that later merged into today’s APC, surprised many within Kwara’s political circles and reinforced the impression that his political journey has been shaped by ideological continuity as much as electoral ambition.

That background also situates Araba within the broader progressive family that has, over the years, been championed nationally by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. While the President has repeatedly emphasised party supremacy, internal democracy and the importance of allowing party processes to run their course, Araba’s own campaign has similarly focused on consultations with delegates and grassroots members rather than public alignment with any of the contending camps.

It is this combination of political history and current positioning that has prompted some observers to draw comparisons—not in terms of political ideology or identical circumstances—but in terms of political resilience and independence, with the late C.O. Adebayo, whose political journey was often characterised by persistence and an ability to remain relevant outside dominant power blocs.

Whether that comparison ultimately proves justified remains to be seen.

Unlike many aspirants whose names have featured prominently in the ongoing dispute over succession within the APC, Araba has not publicly aligned himself either with those challenging the alleged consensus around Danladi or with those perceived to be promoting it. Instead, he has consistently projected himself as a bridge-builder focused on consultations across Kwara’s three senatorial districts.

Rather than joining the public contest over who enjoys the governor’s blessing, Araba seems determined to allow party members to judge him on his own credentials.

Whether that strategy succeeds will depend on several factors, including how much influence the party structure ultimately exerts over the primary process and whether grassroots consultations can translate into national leadership support.

Still, neutrality carries its own political advantages.

Should the current divisions within the APC deepen, a candidate who has avoided open confrontation with either side could emerge as an acceptable compromise for different blocs within the party.

For now, Araba remains one of the very few aspirants whose political capital lies less in factional alignment than in the perception that he represents a fresh alternative anchored in a long association with progressive politics.

That does not make him the favourite.

But it may explain why some have begun to describe him as Kwara’s political underdog.

And in politics, underdogs have a habit of becoming serious contenders when established calculations begin to shift.

Mr Akerebiata is an Ilorin based political economist, social commentator and an influencer.

    Senator Solomon Adeola (alias Yayi) has built a reputation on the ground. Across Ogun State, his name is associated with scholarships, vocational training, financial support for small businesses, and community development projects. Thousands of beneficiaries have received something more than money: a pathway to self-reliance. Now he is the APC consensus governorship candidate for 2027.

Governor Dapo Abiodun formally unveiled Yayi following six months of strategic negotiations involving President Bola Tinubu and elder statesman Chief Olusegun Osoba. The endorsement was later formalised with a primary victory: 304,055 votes.

The man’s candidacy is simply historic. Ogun West Senatorial District has never produced a governor. Yayi is the first serious attempt to break that jinx. His running mate is Kudirat Adegunwa-Balogun, a former local government boss, adding regional balance to the ticket.

Yayi serves as Chairman of the Senate Committee on Appropriations. Having spent years in legislative administration, public finance, and governance, supporters argue that his record of empowerment demonstrates what he could do as governor. They point to interventions that enabled families to expand businesses, artisans to access tools, and students to afford education.

He has also moved quickly to consolidate support. He secured public endorsements from former rivals, including Hon. Gboyega Isiaka and the Believe Movement. During consultations in Ogun Waterside, he directed contractors to mobilise within 24 hours to address multi-year electricity blackouts. He has also pledged to make Ogun an oil-producing state by exploring Tongeji Island and fast-tracking the OlokolaDeep Seaport.

Yayi’s approach to leadership has prioritised people-centred development. He has built a formidable connection with the grassroots through consistent acts of empowerment and community engagement.

Whether that goodwill translates into electoral victory remains to be seen. But across Ogun State, the conversation is about a leader whose record has inspired confidence, no longer simply about politics. The question now is whether the man who empowered thousands can become the governor who inspires millions.

Wale Edun turned 70 on April 20, 2026, the day he submitted his resignation. He had been Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy. He was removed in a cabinet reshuffle; the official reason was health. The real story, according to insiders, was more complicated.

Edun reportedly had a heated exchange with President Bola Tinubu during a Federal Executive Council meeting. The disagreement was over economic strategy, it was said. It was not a small argument, it was later said. It fractured a relationship that had lasted decades, it is now believed.

Edun had also contradicted the Presidency’s optimistic economic metrics. After the administration declared certain revenue goals had been met, Edun exposed a N30 trillion revenue shortfall. Surely, it is not the kind of public discrepancy that goes unnoticed.

It is interesting that months before his removal, the Presidency had already begun stripping him of core fiscal powers, from revenue generation to domestic debt management and customs oversight, all reassigned to junior ministers. He was effectively being sidelined before he was replaced.

The man’s legacy is debated. His supporters credit him with stabilising the macroeconomic environment, like foreign reserves rising past $40 billion and GDP growth climbing from two per cent to over four per cent. Critics, on the other hand, associate his tenure with the cost-of-living crisis, fuel price hikes, and soaring inflation. The floating of the naira and subsidy removals happened under his watch.

Edun is not making statements. He has completely stepped away from public life. He is resting at his home in Abuja, focused on his health. Plus, he holds no government title or consultative role. He has fully concluded his handover protocols.

The silence is notable because Edun was never a quiet figure. He was always in the room, always weighing in on economic policy. Now he is not in any room. For a man of his experience, that quiet is itself a story. What comes next is unclear. What is clear is that he is no longer in a hurry to be anywhere.

Powerful, influential and stupendously wealthy. These are just a few words often used to describe the former Governor of Zamfara State and senator representing Zamfara West, Abdul’aziz Yari. A man blessed with immense political clout and remarkable staying power, Yari has built a reputation for achieving almost every goal he sets his sights on. However, one ambition has continued to elude him—the exalted office of President of the Senate.

In 2023, Yari mounted a spirited and formidable bid for the Senate presidency. He spared neither energy nor resources, mobilising support across political divides and engaging in extensive lobbying efforts. For a moment, he appeared destined for victory. But fate had other plans, and his quest ended in disappointment.

Undeterred by the setback, the former governor has remained one of the most active figures in the nation’s political landscape. He has continued to build bridges across party and regional lines, deepened his national network and cultivated a cordial relationship with President Bola Tinubu.

With the life of the 10th Senate gradually winding down and attention beginning to shift towards the composition and leadership of the 11th Senate, Yari’s name is once again dominating conversations in political circles. Insiders say his growing influence and expansive alliances have made him a formidable factor in the permutations ahead, particularly for those harbouring ambitions of occupying the Senate’s number one seat.

However, the senator’s political journey has not been without turbulence. In recent months, he has been confronted by a barrage of allegations, including claims linking him to banditry and terrorism in Zamfara State. Yari has consistently dismissed the accusations as baseless, malicious and politically motivated.

The latest controversy involves reports linking him to gold bars reportedly worth about N4 billion seized by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) at the Mallam Aminu Kano International Airport while allegedly being transported to Saudi Arabia. Yari has vehemently denied any connection to the incident, describing the reports as sensational and part of a coordinated campaign aimed at tarnishing his image, weakening his political alliances and frustrating his long-standing aspiration of becoming President of the Senate.

Though the senator has publicly projected calm and confidence amid the storm, sources close to him insist the relentless accusations have become a source of deep concern, giving the otherwise unflappable politician more than a few sleepless nights.

There was a time when Abdullahi Ganduje did not need to share power in Kano, being first governor, then APC National Chairman; the undisputed face of party authority in the state.

Ganduje’s resignation as National Chairman in June 2025 was the first real crack. It cost him control over party primaries and structures nationwide, the kind of influence that decides who gets nominated for what, everywhere in the country. What followed was a soft landing, the chairmanship of the FAAN governing board, a role that keeps him inside government without giving him any of the leverage he once held.

Back home in Kano, the picture is not as put-together. Senator Barau Jibrin, now Deputy Senate President, outranks him in raw political terms. He is the highest elected officeholder Kano currently has in Abuja. Loyalists have noticed, and many have shifted accordingly. A ceasefire between the two men was briefly held, then collapsed by February 2026, with both factions holding separate, competing meetings in Kano Municipal.

Then Ibrahim Shekarau returned to the APC in April, bringing his own G-7 following with him. Shekarau and Barau previously fought Ganduje’s leadership together in 2022. Their reunion inside the same party now means Ganduje is no longer the man in charge.

Adding to the pressure, Ganduje is currently standing trial alongside seven others over alleged misappropriation of public funds, a case adjourned to October 14, 2026. He still shuttles between Abuja and Kano, still holds consultations, and still appears in headlines.

But where before the headlines described him as a commander of states and destinies, they now pitch him as a sun in piteous decline. From governor to chairman to factional player contested by his own former allies, Ganduje’s apparent slide is a long one.

A political quarrel in Oyo State has crossed into territory many Ibadan indigenes consider sacred. Former Ekiti Governor Ayodele Fayose has dragged the Olubadan throne into his feud with Governor Seyi Makinde.

Based on the latest intelligence from the ‘Land of Honour and Integrity,’ Fayose accused Makinde of dismantling his political structure within the PDP’s South-west chapter. He claimed, first in April and again recently, that Makinde is secretly plotting to dethrone the Olubadan, Oba Rashidi Ladoja.

Both the governor’s office and the Olubadan’s palace have firmly denied this. In their estimation, the allegation is not only baseless; it is one with no connection to anything happening between the state government and the monarchy.

Expectedly, that denial has not stopped the backlash. Chief Olawale Oladoja, Mogaji of the Akinsola Family, issued a sharp warning to Fayose. He described the comments as reckless and demanded that Fayose leave Olubadan out of his “dirty politics.”

The Central Council of Ibadan Indigenes backed him fully. The council warned that Fayose’s remarks were inflammatory enough to “set Ibadan on fire” if left unchecked.

If readers wonder at the vehemency of these responses, it helps to note that the anger stems from what the Olubadan represents. The throne is considered a father figure to everyone in Ibadan, regardless of party. Suggesting a sitting governor wants it gone is no small accusation.

For many locals, there is a deeper sting. Fayose often calls Ibadan his place of origin. Using its monarchy as a political weapon, they argue, looks less like opposition politics and more like betrayal of home.

As the feud with Makinde continues, Ibadan’s position on the matter appears surprisingly consistent and strong: that politics will pass, but the Olubadan stool must remain untouched by it.

Bayo Adelabu resigned as Minister of Power in April 2026. He wanted to run for governor of Oyo State. He had done it and lost before. He was about to lose again. But he did not know because only hindsight is 20/20.

The APC primary on May 22 delivered a landslide. And while Senator Sarafadeen Alli won with 578,143 votes, Adelabu managed 19,193.

Adelabu cried foul immediately, alleging that election officials wrote arbitrary figures and held voting hours before the scheduled time. He said the process was rigged. But several weeks later, he has not said what he will do next.

This is not his first loss. In 2019, he ran for governor as the APC candidate. Seyi Makinde beat him: 515,621 votes to 357,982. Adelabu won only five local governments.

In 2023, he lost the APC primary to Teslim Folarin. He defected to the Accord Party to stay on the ballot. He finished a distant third. President Bola Tinubu later brought him back as Minister of Power.

Now he is out of office and out of the race. Therefore, onlookers across Oyo State are asking, “ What now?

Some say he will stay in the APC, rebuild his structure, and wait for another opportunity. Others say he has defected before and could do it again. After all, Nigerian politics has seen stranger comebacks.

Adelabu has been silent since the defeat. He has not addressed his supporters publicly, nor has he indicated whether he will accept the result or challenge it further. Still, his political brand remains recognisable, with a loyal support base and a name that carries weight in Oyo politics. But while those assets do not disappear after one loss, they do become hard er to deploy.    

Dayo Faduyile

Professor Dayo Faduyile was sworn in as Senator for Ondo South on June 24, 2026, with Senate President Godswill Akpabio administering the oath. The seat became vacant when Jimoh Ibrahim was appointed Nigeria’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations. Thus, Faduyile’s debut is a hard act to follow.

Faduyile won the by-election with 68,474 votes. A Professor of Pathology and former National President of the Nigerian Medical Association, he previously served as Special Adviser on Health Matters to the Ondo State Governor.

Ibrahim is a businessman, lawyer, billionaire mogul, and former member of the 10th Senate. He combined intellectual depth with an unmistakable flair for national discourse. His tenure elevated Ondo South’s profile.

The question is whether Faduyile can match that legacy.

To be sure, Faduyile brings advantages, starting with credentials that command respect. His years in the medical profession earned him a reputation for discipline, diligence, and integrity. His network within professional and policy circles provides a strong foundation. His calm and methodical approach could offer a refreshing style of representation.

But matching Ibrahim will require more than credentials. Constituents demand tangible dividends: infrastructure, healthcare, youth employment, and economic empowerment. They expect legislative visibility, advocacy, and the ability to attract development projects.

History has shown that successors thrive when they respect the achievements of their predecessors while introducing fresh ideas. The people of Ondo South watch with anticipation.

Daniel Ochonma

Nigeria enters the 2027 election cycle with an unusually crowded and fluid presidential field. As of this weekend, aspirants have emerged across the major political parties—the All Progressives Congress (APC), the African Democratic Congress (ADC), the Nigerian Democratic Congress (NDC), the People Democratic Party (PDP), the Social Democratic Party (SDP), the Allied Peoples Movement (APM) and several smaller platforms each attempting to define a governing vision in a moment of deep national uncertainty.

Some contenders are established political heavyweights; others are technocrats, regional power brokers, or reform minded outsiders seeking to reshape the national conversation.

Within the APC, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu remains the dominant figure, with party insiders and many Nigerians signalling support for a continuity agenda even as internal factions quietly test alternative pathways.

In the ADC, Atiku Abubakar and other influential blocs continue to negotiate influence, with Atiku the most visible national figure positioning for another run. The Nigerian Democratic Congress remains anchored around Peter Obi, whose governance first message continues to resonate with reform-oriented voters. Additional aspirants from the SDP, APM, and other platforms add further diversity to the field, even if their national traction varies.

This expanding roster underscores a central reality: 2027 will not be a personality contest but a competition among policy models and institutional philosophies. The electorate now more sceptical, more economically strained, and more politically assertive than in previous cycles is demanding clarity, coherence, and credibility. The question is no longer simply who wants to lead Nigeria, but which aspirants has or can articulate a governing project that is both ambitious and realistically achievable within Nigeria’s structural constraints.

It is within this broader landscape that the analysis of Tinubu, Atiku, Obi, and emerging coalitions becomes essential not as isolated personalities but as representatives of distinct reform pathways competing for national legitimacy.

The Incumbent: Reform Without a Narrative?

Nigeria approaches the 2027 elections amid acute economic pressure and institutional uncertainty. The Tinubu administration has implemented some of the most far-reaching economic reforms in decades: fuel subsidy removal, exchange rate liberalisation, a shift toward tighter fiscal discipline and others. These measures represent a decisive break from the interventionist posture of the previous administration and signal a willingness to confront long-standing structural distortions.

Yet the speed and sequencing, particularly the abrupt subsidy removal, have generated significant economic strain. Inflation has accelerated, household purchasing power has eroded, and businesses face heightened uncertainty in a volatile currency environment. While the reforms have drawn favourable assessments from the World Bank, the IMF, and several rating agencies, Nigerians at the grassroots increasingly question the long-term vision behind them.

Without a clearly articulated end state of what the economy should look like by 2030, how inflation will be contained, and how large-scale job creation will be achieved the reform programme risks appearing reactive rather than strategic.

The feasibility of the incumbent’s approach is therefore mixed: economically plausible and internationally validated, yet politically fragile as we approach 2027 election unless accompanied by a clearer narrative and visible short-term gains at the microeconomic level.

Atiku Abubakar: Technocratic Ambition Meets Constitutional Reality

Atiku Abubakar has long positioned himself as a technocratic reform advocate. His policy framework aligns in several respects with the incumbent’s market-oriented direction: liberalisation, privatisation, and a more competitive economic environment. His key point of departure lies in his emphasis on institutional restructuring and decentralisation as foundations for long-term transformation.

Atiku argues that Nigeria’s highly centralised governance model limits efficiency and that devolving greater authority to states could enhance regional competitiveness and improve service delivery. This represents a notable contrast to the incumbent’s focus on macroeconomic stabilisation rather than structural political reform.

Yet, the feasibility of Atiku’s model is constrained by Nigeria’s political and constitutional realities. Implementing restructuring would require constitutional amendments, broad elite consensus, and sustained cooperation from state governments—conditions historically difficult to secure. His proposals offer a comprehensive long-term vision, but one that faces significant implementation hurdles.

This raises a broader question: to what extent do such proposals constitute an actionable reform agenda, and to what extent do they reflect aspirations that may be challenging to realise within Nigeria’s existing institutional terrain

Peter Obi: Governance First, Politics Later

Peter Obi represents a different form of divergence within the 2027 field. His political identity is anchored in fiscal prudence, anti-corruption, and efficient public spending. While he supports subsidy removal in principle and shares the incumbent’s interest in strengthening productivity driven sectors, his approach is fundamentally governance first.

Obi argues that Nigeria’s core challenge is not only economic mismanagement but a deeper issue of state capacity. He emphasises data driven decision-making, transparency, measurable performance indicators, and a more disciplined public sector. This places him at a sharper distance from both the incumbent and Atiku, whose proposals focus more heavily on macroeconomic levers than on institutional culture and administrative reform.

However, Obi’s model would confront entrenched political interests and long-standing patronage networks that have historically resisted systemic change. Its feasibility depends on whether a future administration could build a more capable state apparatus within a four-year presidential term he is promising. This raises a familiar governance question: Can such an agenda be realistically implemented within Nigeria’s political and institutional constraints, or does it reflect reform aspirations that may be difficult to operationalise?

Beyond the Big Three: Coalitions Without a Core

Beyond the major contenders, several emerging coalitions and aspirants are testing the political waters. While they contribute to democratic vibrancy, many remain anchored in personality driven mobilisation rather than policy driven engagement. Their proposals, where articulated, often lack the coherence or depth required to shape national direction. Their influence is therefore likely to be felt more in coalition dynamics than in governance outcomes.

The Blair–Starmer Lesson: Why Policy Clarity Matters

Across all actors, the central challenge remains the same: Nigeria’s political economy demands not just reform but reform anchored in a coherent, sequenced, and credible strategy. The issues that will shape the 2027 contest, such as economic stabilisation, inflation control, job creation, security sector reform, state capability, and energy sector reform require more than rhetorical commitment. They require a governing project that is both ambitious and feasible.

This is where Tony Blair’s critique of the Starmer government becomes instructive. Blair warns that governments without a clearly defined policy project drift into managerialism. For Nigeria, the lesson is clear: the incumbent must demonstrate that current reforms are part of a broader transformation plan rather than isolated shocks. The opposition must move beyond critique, sometimes rhetoric and present implementable, costed alternatives. And voters must continue to demand clarity, coherence, and conviction.

Conclusion: A Pivotal Juncture

Nigeria stands at a pivotal juncture. The 2027 elections offer a rare opportunity to redefine the country’s governance trajectory. Leadership change without policy clarity is cosmetic, and policy clarity without leadership conviction is hollow. The real question facing the electorate is which political actors have or can articulate and deliver a coherent, credible, and feasible policy direction capable of driving structural change within a realistic timeframe.

Ochonma is a Chartered Banker and Public Affairs Analyst with extensive experience across leading financial centres in Europe. He can be reached on dan.ochonma@gmail.com

Nigeria moved a significant step closer to one of the most far-reaching security reforms in its democratic history on Wednesday, June 24, 2026, as the Senate approved a constitutional amendment bill seeking to establish state police and local government police services alongside the existing Nigeria Police Force, writes Sunday Ehigiator

For more than two decades, Nigeria’s security challenges have continued to outpace the capacity of its highly centralised policing system. From terrorism in the North-East and banditry in the North-West to kidnapping, cultism, communal clashes, separatist agitations and urban crime, the burden on the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) has grown exponentially.

Yet despite these mounting challenges, policing remains one of the most centralised functions of government under the 1999 Constitution. But that may soon change.

The recent passage by the Senate of a Constitution Alteration Bill seeking to establish State Police and related policing institutions marks one of the most ambitious attempts to restructure Nigeria’s security architecture since the country’s return to democratic rule in 1999.

Far from being a simple proposal to create state-controlled police formations, the bill seeks a sweeping overhaul of policing in Nigeria, introducing a multi-tier security system that includes federal, state and local government police services, alongside new oversight bodies, recruitment mechanisms, accountability structures and constitutional safeguards.

If eventually enacted, the legislation could fundamentally alter how security is managed in Africa’s most populous nation. More importantly, it could redefine the balance of power between Abuja and the states.

What the Bill Actually Seeks to Do

Public discussion around the legislation has largely focused on the phrase ‘state police.’ However, a close examination of the bill reveals that it goes much further.

The proposed constitutional amendment seeks to replace Nigeria’s current single-force policing arrangement with a layered security framework operating at multiple levels of government. Under the proposal, policing would no longer be the exclusive responsibility of the federal government. Instead, Nigeria would operate a policing structure comprising: The Nigeria Police Force, State Police Services, and the Local Government Police Services.

This is arguably the most radical security reform contemplated since independence. The significance lies not merely in the creation of additional police institutions, but in the constitutional recognition that security challenges are often local and may require local solutions.

Supporters argue that the existing system has become overstretched and disconnected from the realities of communities experiencing insecurity. The bill attempts to address that gap by moving policing closer to the people.

Altering Section 214

One of the most consequential provisions of the bill is the proposed amendment to Section 214 of the Constitution.

At present, Section 214 establishes only one police institution for the federation: the Nigeria Police Force. The bill proposes a new constitutional framework that recognises both the Nigeria Police Force and the State Police Services.

This amendment is significant because it removes the constitutional monopoly currently enjoyed by the federal police.

For decades, advocates of restructuring have argued that Nigeria’s federal arrangement is incomplete because states exercise responsibility for education, health, transportation and economic development but possess virtually no authority over policing.

Governors are often described as chief security officers of their states, yet they have no operational command over police personnel deployed within their territories. The proposed amendment seeks to bridge that contradiction. By allowing states to establish and manage their own police services, the bill aligns security responsibilities with political accountability.

In practical terms, governors who are held accountable by citizens for insecurity would finally possess constitutional authority to create policing institutions designed to address local threats.

The Birth of State Police Services

The centrepiece of the bill is the establishment of State Police Services. Under the proposed arrangement, states would have the constitutional authority to establish police organisations responsible for maintaining law and order within their jurisdictions.

These police services would undertake traditional law enforcement responsibilities, including crime prevention, crime detection, public safety, intelligence gathering and community policing.

The rationale behind the proposal is straightforward. Supporters argue that officers recruited from local communities are often better equipped to understand the environment in which they operate. They know the terrain. They understand local customs. They speak local languages, and they possess social and cultural knowledge that can significantly improve intelligence gathering and crime prevention.

The expectation is that state police would respond more quickly to security threats and build stronger trust with local communities than a centrally controlled force.

The Surprise Provision: Local Government Police Services

Perhaps the most unexpected aspect of the bill is its proposal for Local Government Police Services.

While public debate has largely focused on federal and state policing, the bill introduces a third layer of law enforcement at the grassroots level. If enacted, local governments would be empowered to establish police services designed to address community-level security concerns.

This provision reflects the growing recognition that many security threats originate at the local level and require rapid intervention.

Advocates argue that local government police could improve grassroots intelligence gathering and strengthen community engagement. They believe local officers would be more familiar with residents, local disputes and emerging threats.

However, critics have expressed concern about the possibility of overlapping responsibilities among federal, state and local police institutions. Questions have also been raised about funding, coordination and operational efficiency.

Nevertheless, the inclusion of local government police demonstrates the extent to which the bill seeks to decentralise security governance.

National Police Council Retained

Despite introducing state and local policing structures, the bill does not dismantle federal oversight. The National Police Council remains an integral component of the proposed architecture.

The Council would continue to serve as a coordinating body responsible for national policing policies and strategic direction. Its retention reflects an effort to strike a balance between decentralisation and national cohesion. The architects of the bill appear mindful of concerns that excessive fragmentation could weaken national security coordination. By preserving the National Police Council, the bill seeks to ensure that multiple policing institutions can operate within a coherent national framework.

State Police Councils: The New Centres of Oversight

A major concern among critics of state police has always been the possibility of political abuse. Many fear governors could use police forces as instruments of intimidation against political opponents, journalists, activists and civil society groups.

The bill attempts to address those fears through the establishment of State Police Councils. These councils would serve as oversight institutions responsible for supervising state police services. Their duties include policy formulation, strategic direction, administrative supervision and performance monitoring.

The significance of these councils cannot be overstated. Rather than concentrating authority solely in the hands of governors, the bill creates institutional structures designed to provide checks and balances.

Whether these safeguards will prove sufficient remains a subject of debate, but their inclusion reflects a deliberate effort to address longstanding concerns about accountability.

State Police Service Commissions

The proposed State Police Bill seeks to address concerns about political interference by creating a broad-based State Police Service Commission to oversee appointments, promotions and disciplinary matters within the State Police.

Under the bill, the commission would be headed by a chairman appointed by the governor and confirmed by the State House of Assembly. It would also include two representatives of the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), who must be indigenes of the state, and a representative of the Public Complaints Commission (PCC).

Other members of the commission would include a representative of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), three retired Assistant Commissioners of Police or officers of equivalent rank drawn from the state’s three senatorial districts, and a representative of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) from the state.

The commission would also have a representative of the Nigerian Union of Journalists (NUJ) and the chairman of the State Traditional Rulers’ Council or his representative.

The commission would be responsible for recommending candidates for appointment as Commissioner of State Police, overseeing promotions and disciplinary measures, and managing personnel matters within the force.

By bringing together representatives from human rights bodies, labour unions, the legal profession, the media, traditional institutions and retired police officers, the bill seeks to ensure that the administration of state police is subject to professional and civilian oversight rather than being controlled solely by political office holders.

Recruitment and Local Ownership

One of the strongest arguments in favour of state police relates to recruitment. The bill envisages structured recruitment systems governed by established standards. Local recruitment offers several potential advantages.

Police officers drawn from local communities are often better positioned to identify criminal networks, understand community dynamics and detect unusual activities.

In rural communities where trust plays a crucial role in intelligence gathering, local knowledge can make the difference between preventing crime and merely reacting to it. Supporters believe state police could therefore strengthen intelligence-led policing and reduce dependence on reactive law enforcement.

The emphasis on local ownership reflects global trends in community policing, which increasingly prioritise partnership between security agencies and the communities they serve.

National Standards and Uniformity

The bill seeks to ensure that the creation of state police does not result in widely different policing standards across the country by establishing a framework for national standards and uniformity.

While states would have the power to establish and manage their own police services, they would still be required to comply with nationally prescribed minimum standards covering recruitment, training, certification, inspections, operational procedures, accountability mechanisms and the use of firearms.

A key provision of the bill is that state laws establishing police services must not fall below these national benchmarks. States are free to adopt higher standards if they choose, but they cannot operate below the minimum requirements set at the national level.

This was designed to prevent situations where some states establish poorly trained or inadequately regulated police forces that could undermine public safety or human rights.

The objective is to strike a balance between decentralisation and national cohesion. While policing would be brought closer to the people through state and local police services, the federal framework would continue to provide uniform professional standards and oversight.

Supporters say this approach allows states to tailor security responses to local realities without compromising professionalism, accountability and operational consistency across the federation.

Funding Architecture

The proposed State Police Bill recognises that creating and sustaining new police institutions will require substantial financial resources and therefore places significant funding responsibilities on states and local governments.

Although the bill decentralises policing, it makes it clear that any state seeking to establish a police service must be prepared to finance its operations, including personnel costs, training, equipment, vehicles, communications systems, intelligence gathering and welfare packages. This provision is aimed at ensuring that states do not create police forces they cannot adequately maintain.

To support the new policing structure, the bill also provides for grants and other funding mechanisms within the broader framework of national standards and oversight.

However, the responsibility for day-to-day financing rests largely with the state governments and, where applicable, local government authorities. This raises important questions about the varying financial capacities of states, as wealthier states may be able to build better-equipped and more technologically advanced police services than less affluent ones.

The funding architecture has emerged as one of the most debated aspects of the bill. Supporters argue that states already spend significant amounts on security interventions and should therefore have the authority to direct those resources through their own police institutions.

Critics, however, warn that disparities in state revenues could lead to unequal policing standards across the country. The bill attempts to address this concern by retaining national standards and oversight mechanisms, but the long-term success of state police may ultimately depend on whether states can provide sustainable funding while maintaining professionalism, training and operational effectiveness.

Federal Intervention and National Security

The proposed State Police Bill decentralises policing but does not completely remove the federal government’s authority over national security. Recognising that certain threats such as terrorism, insurgency, organised crime, arms trafficking and other cross-border offences extend beyond the capacity or jurisdiction of individual states, the bill preserves the role of the federal government and the Nigeria Police Force in safeguarding national security and maintaining coordination across the federation.

To prevent the fragmentation of law enforcement, the bill provides for national oversight mechanisms and continued federal involvement in policing matters of national importance.

State police services would be required to operate within nationally prescribed standards, while federal institutions would retain powers to coordinate security operations, facilitate inter-state cooperation and intervene in situations where public order, constitutional governance or national security are under serious threat.

Looking Ahead

Ultimately, the State Police Bill is about much more than policing. It is a referendum on the nature of Nigerian federalism. The proposal challenges the concentration of power at the centre and seeks to transfer significant authority to states and local governments.

For supporters, this represents a long-overdue correction to structural imbalances within the federation. For critics, it raises concerns about accountability, coordination and the potential for political misuse. Yet both sides agree on one point: Nigeria’s worsening security challenges demand fresh thinking and new approaches to law enforcement.

The Senate’s approval of the bill has transformed state police from a theoretical conversation into a practical constitutional project. However, the proposal has not yet crossed the finish line. As a constitutional amendment, it must now secure the endorsement of at least 24 of Nigeria’s 36 state Houses of Assembly before it can proceed for presidential assent.

The next phase of the debate will therefore shift from the National Assembly to state legislatures, where lawmakers will determine whether the country is prepared to embrace one of the most significant security reforms in its history.

Whether it ultimately becomes law or not, the legislation has already reshaped the national conversation on security, governance and federalism. The coming months will reveal whether sufficient political consensus exists across the federation to support the far-reaching changes proposed in the bill.

Should it clear the remaining constitutional hurdles, future historians may look back on this moment as the point at which Nigeria fundamentally reimagined how security is organised, managed and delivered across the federation, especially as it truly addresses the country’s current security concerns.

 Uche Anichukwu

Finally, it does appear that the Nigerian state has embraced the reality that you cannot sufficiently police a vast and multifarious federation like ours from Abuja. For over two decades, advocacies to decentralise our policing structure fell on deaf ears. Legislative efforts in regard were cut short, often on the altars of interfering influences and executive tight grips on every legitimate instrument of coercion.

There were also all manner of sentiments. Some thought that state police would serve secessionist interest, while many genuinely saw it as a ready axe in the hands of the governors and to cut the opposition and voices of dissent to size.

But I think the real opposition to state police stemmed from the fact that most people were oblivious of the weight of the insecurity that was incubating over the past decades. I recall a conversation between former Deputy President of the Senate, Senator Ekweremadu, and a Senator from the North West zone (Kebbi State to be particular). Ekweremadu warned that the banditry, which was just starting in far North West states, could ultimately get to as far as Kaduna, North Central, and the Southern parts unless lawmakers supported the creation of state police to empower the federating units to take their fates in their own hands. That Senator laughed out loud. He said Ekweremadu did not understand the geography of the North, maintaining that even Sokoto, Rivers and Rima River were sufficient buffers against such evil expansion. Today, we all know better.

Yet, it is heartwarming that despite the obstinate opposition to decentralised policing, there were a few voices like Ekweremadu, who refused to give up. From the 10th convocation lecture of the Federal University of Technology, Minna, which he delivered on Thursday, June 3, 2010 to a retinue of others such as the Sixth Annual Oputa Lecture on Governance in Africa, which he delivered at the Osgoode Hall Law School, York University, Toronto, Ontario, Canada, on April 11, 2012; the Nnamdi Azikiwe University Annual Lecture entitled “Policing and National Security: the Choices Before Us” he delivered on March 1, 2013; and his most recent lectures in 2020 as well as his various media outings, his bills and interventions at the floor of the Senate, he identified unitary policing, overconcentration of powers at the centre, and absence of fiscal federalism, which christened “feeding bottle federalism,” as the banes of Nigerian federalism that must give way.

In fact, he was rather prophetic about the security challenges of today. Reacting to the gruesome massacre of innocent Nigerians in Barkin Ladi, Plateau State, back in 2018, Ekweremadu lamented that sad as the incident was, the saddest reality was that there was no guarantee that many more would not be killed. In his words, “There is no way you will have a big federation like Nigeria with all the diversities, and continue to operate a centralised policing system.”

However, there comes a time in the life of a people when they must look in the mirror and tell themselves the gospel truth. There comes a time when you must choose between their sentiments and the fear of probable misuse of state police and the present existential threats being hounded on the roads, in schools, and farms by bandits, terrorists, and all manner of violent criminals.

Nobody said this better than Senator Ita Enang. Appearing on Channels Television’s “Politics Today” sometime in 2025, he said: “Ekweremadu was very vehement that we should have state police. He sponsored and brought a bill. But I was one of those who vehemently opposed him and campaigned against it. I went out of my way to say that the way the governors exercise power over the electoral process, if you give them the control over security, they would kill everybody. But now, we should not care so much about what a governor does with it so long as he does one thing with it – use it to manage internal security of the state. State police is an idea, which time has come.”

Yet, that time would never have come without a truly federalist and courageous president like President Bola Tinubu, who is ever ready to bite the bullet and decide to loosen the presidency’s absolute grips on the nation’s security architecture. That is where President Bola Tinubu stands out from his processors. No one can take away from his ability to take tough decisions. We saw it in the removal of fuel subsidy. We saw it in the floating of the exchange rates. We saw it in how he signed the Electricity Act to enable the states to generate, transmit, and distribute electricity within their jurisdictions. We saw it in how he went to court to secure financial autonomy for the 774 local government areas. And we saw it in how he overhauled the national security architecture to bring in new service chiefs.

Today, President Tinubu has yet again shown that candour in leadership by realising, unlike others before him, that it is of no use holding unto the entire security architecture to just feed the vanity of being in charge while criminal gangs are running riots across the country. It takes courage to do so. But it takes even greater courage to initiate an executive bill to the National Assembly to match words with action.

The gaps in the bills passed  by the National Assenbly notwithstanding, I also see that they have benefitted from the Ekweremadu’s pioneering works, which consciously and meticulously addressed the critical issues of structure, standardisation, control, armament, disciplining, co-existence with federal police, and, importantly, the fears of abuse by state governors. By the way, Ekweremadu’s state police bill drew from studies he and members of his team led by Prof. Offornze Amucheazi undertook on best practices around the world, especially federal climes like the US, Canada, and Brazil. Although the snippets we have seen from the versions passed may have some gaps, it is important Nigerians patiently wait for the harmonised version as well as the eventual consequential Act of the National Assembly that will provide more details on the powers, structure, control, etc. of the state police. This Act will come after successful alteration of the constitution to that effect. However we may look at it, the National Assembly deserves commendation and this fundamental progress must never be diminished by political expediency or differences.

Meanwhile, funding has continued to occupy the front burner since both chambers of the National Assembly passed the state police bill. In a back-page article, “A Vote for State Police,” which he published in 2018, Ekweremadu opined that state police funding should be a first line charge on the state account or alternatively deducted at source from the federation account and paid to the Police Service Commission for onward disbursement to the respective Independent State Police Service Commissions.

 He also argued that creation of state police would not be compulsory for states that feel they do not have enough resources to fund it. The important thing, to him, is to lay down the legal frameworks that permit and regulate decentralised policing so that those who can afford it can start.

However, if a state cannot fund security, what else can it fund? How is it going to build infrastructure, grow the economy and attract investments? More so, Section 14 2(b) of the 1999 Constitution is very clear “The security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government.” So, my take is that you fund what you prioritise and that is the Enugu State example.

In just three years, Governor Peter Mbah has demonstrated that where there is a political will and vision, then there is a way.

In three years, he invested in ultramodern security technologies and AI-embedded cameras synchronised with the most modern and expansive Command and Control Centre for full surveillance of the state; he  launched over 150 Distress Response Squad (DRS) security vehicles mounted with AI-enabled cameras; he retooled and relaunched the Enugu State Security Trust Fund; he launched hi-tech drones with Vertical Take-off and Landing (VTOL) capabilities, a coverage or a range of 100km, and 120km per hour capacity; he reorganised and equipped the Enugu State Forest Guards; and only a few days ago, he commissioned a state-of-the-art Centre for DNA Forensics and Criminal Investigation. The Inspector General of Police, Olatunji Disu, and the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Prince Lateef Fagbemi, SAN, who both witnessed the commissioning, hailed the facility as a profound contribution to national security.  According to them, it will strengthen the capacity of the law enforcement agencies and judiciary to fight crime and deliver empirical evidence-based investigation and justice in a modern society.

All said, the prospects of the constitutional alteration to create state police is an idea which time has come, and deserves all the support to succeed.

*Anichukwu, a former media adviser to former Deputy of the Senate, is media aide to Governor of Enugu State

Wife of the President, Senator Oluremi Tinubu has met with wives of the 36 state governors in Abuja during which he canvassed for people’s support for the policies of President Bola Tinubu-led government at the centre.

The First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu has risen in stout defence of the economic reforms agenda of President Bola Tinubu’s administration, saying the policies being implemented are meant to build lasting foundations that would benefit generations of Nigerians yet unborn.

Spealing at the opening of a meeting to review the second-quarter activities of the Renewed Hope Initiative (RHI) at the State House, Abuja, Mrs Tinubu said the government at the centre had focused on rebuilding and strengthening critical structures necessary for sustainable national development.

According to her, the President had undertaken difficult but necessary reforms, including the removal of fuel subsidy, to reposition the country for long-term growth.

Her words: “What we are doing in this administration is to make sure that even generations unborn would benefit. I believe there are a lot of foundations that the President has had to rebuild and rejig so that we can build lasting legacies that will transcend this administration”.

She stressed that though the reforms initially imposed hardships on citizens, Nigerians demonstrated resilience and confidence in the government’s direction.

“Take subsidy removal, for example. It was tough, very, very tough, which we all know, but the challenges were surmounted. We haven’t gotten to cruising level yet, but we are getting there”.

Mrs Tinubu also urged young Nigerians to take advantage of opportunities available through government ministries, departments and agencies, noting that many programmes and vacancies are now accessible through digital platforms.

The First Lady said youths should actively seek information on available initiatives rather than assume opportunities do not exist.

“We have to inform the youth. They say there are no jobs. Have you visited any ministry to ask what they have for the people? That is what the ministries and agencies owe the public. They can go there and ask, ‘What do you have for us? What can I key into?’”

She further noted that many government agencies are being led by young Nigerians who are contributing significantly to economic growth and innovation.

Speaking on the achievements of the Renewed Hope Initiative over the past three years, Mrs Tinubu said the programme had impacted thousands of lives across the country through interventions in agriculture, education, healthcare, social investments and economic empowerment.

She cited the distribution of disposable sanitary pads to schoolgirls, grants for small-scale businesses, support for elderly citizens and persons with disabilities, scholarships, ICT training programmes and healthcare interventions.

The First Lady added that the initiative had also committed substantial resources to tackling health challenges, including tuberculosis, breast cancer and malnutrition.

According to her: “I gave N2 billion for tuberculosis, N1 billion for breast cancer and N500 million for food and nutrition programmes. These are some of the things we have been doing to ensure that whatever this government is trying to do will see the light of day.”

She said the initiative remained committed to expanding its interventions and empowering more Nigerians, particularly women and vulnerable groups.

Mrs Tinubu also encouraged Nigerians to embrace agriculture and innovation, stressing that food production and self-reliance remain critical to national development.

She expressed optimism about Nigeria’s future, urging citizens not to lose faith in the country despite prevailing challenges.

“We have to renew our hope. Nigerians should not give up. We are a very proud nation and we have what it takes. We are more than enough. God bless Nigeria and God bless our children.”

The First Lady also stressed that children must not be allowed to go hungry, as she unveiled fresh steps by the Renewed Hope Initiative (RHI) to expand National Food Banks, nutrition support and community interventions for vulnerable families across the country.

She said the initiative is designed to tackle child malnutrition from the grassroots and ensure that pregnant women and nursing mothers also get support.

Mrs Tinubu disclosed that following the Inauguration of the National Food Bank Program in Abuja on February 17, 2026 and its subsequent flag-off for the North – East geo-political zone on April 27, 2026 the next zone would be the North East and South West respectively.

She charged the wives of governors to look out continually for these vulnerable children in their various States.

“Our children are not supposed to be going hungry. No matter what, when you see a child that is malnourished in your state, you have to take them and make sure that they are properly cared for”.

She explained that the food banks being rolled out under RHI across the six geopolitical zones would be located very close to primary health care centres to make it easier for families to access nutrition support alongside medical care.

“These food banks are built next to the primary health care centres so that the ones that need supplement can get their supplements, lactating mothers and pregnant women too will be given food items from the food bank”.

Mrs Tinubu explained that the project is being strengthened through support from donors and partner agencies, including the Bank of Agriculture, the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare, Dangote and the National Population Commission.

She said the support would help build and sustain the food banks across the states.

“What we have done so far is to come up with the strategy which for me is a very good example. It is now left for the first ladies to take it upon themselves and make sure that the states have more food banks because our children are not supposed to be going hungry.”

She said the efforts are part of a broader social investment agenda under RHI, which also covers education, scholarships, economic empowerment and environmental campaigns.

According to her, the programmes are meant to create lasting impact beyond the current administration.

“What we are doing in this administration is to make sure that even generations unborn would benefit”.

Mrs Tinubu also urged state governments and their spouses to do more to identify and support malnourished children early.

On the wider nutrition strategy, she stressed the importance of linking food support with health interventions for women and children.

The First Lady further called for more donations to the National Food Bank Drive which is domiciled in the Federal Ministry of Health and Social Welfare.

African leaders and development stakeholders have emphasised the need to rethink development financing by strengthening domestic resource mobilisation and deepening cooperation through the Nigeria–Ethiopia Integrated National Financing Framework (INFF) partnership, writes Linus Aleke

Africa’s development challenge is often framed as a shortage of resources. Yet a growing consensus among policymakers and development experts suggests that the continent’s real challenge lies not in the absence of capital, but in its ability to mobilise, align and deploy available resources effectively.

 This conviction shaped discussions at the Ethiopia–Nigeria Experience Exchange Visit on the Implementation of the Integrated National Financing Framework (INFF) in Abuja, where stakeholders argued that Africa must rethink how it finances development if it is to achieve sustainable growth and meet the aspirations of its people.

At the heart of the conversation was the belief that domestic resource mobilisation must become the foundation of Africa’s development strategy. Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Professor Taiwo Oyedele, stressed that Africa’s future would be determined not by the volume of resources available, but by how effectively they are utilised to advance national priorities.

According to him, “No nation can finance its development on the basis of external dependence alone.”

That statement reflects a reality confronting many African countries. Development financing gaps continue to widen as concessional funding becomes increasingly constrained, debt burdens rise and global economic uncertainties limit investment flows. For governments seeking to fund infrastructure, healthcare, education and social protection, reliance on external support is proving increasingly unsustainable.

It is against this backdrop that Nigeria and Ethiopia are embracing the Integrated National Financing Framework as a mechanism for aligning public and private finance with national development priorities.

Oyedele described the INFF as more than a policy framework. “The Integrated National Financing Framework is not bureaucratic nomenclature. It is a fundamentally different way of thinking about how nations mobilise, align and deploy financing for sustainable development. The future of development financing will not be determined solely by the resources available to us, but by how effectively we mobilise, align and deploy those resources in support of national priorities,” he said.

Globally, the INFF has gained traction as a tool for helping countries coordinate domestic and international financing around development goals. Countries such as Indonesia have used the framework to identify financing opportunities for sustainable development and support innovative instruments, including sustainability-linked financing. The approach has helped governments better align public spending, private investment and development priorities.

For Nigeria, however, the success of the framework will depend significantly on the strength of sub-national institutions responsible for delivering public services.

This point was underscored by the Senior Special Assistant to the President on Sustainable Development Goals, Princess Adejoke Orelope-Adefulire, who argued that states remain at the forefront of development delivery.

“Across Nigeria, sub-national governments are at the forefront of delivering essential public services. They bear constitutional and primary responsibility for critical sectors such as primary healthcare, basic education, water and sanitation, agriculture, infrastructure, and local economic development,” she said.

Her position highlights a fundamental reality: development outcomes are largely determined at the state and community levels. Schools, hospitals, roads and local economic initiatives depend on the capacity of sub-national governments to mobilise and manage resources effectively.

Orelope-Adefulire therefore maintained that strengthening fiscal capacity at the state level is central to achieving sustainable development.

“The INFF recognises that achieving sustainable development cannot rely solely on traditional public financing. Rather, it requires a coordinated approach that strengthens domestic resource mobilisation, enhances public financial management, improves expenditure efficiency, leverages private sector investments, and promotes innovative financing mechanisms. Within this framework, strengthening fiscal capacity at the sub-national level is not merely a technical exercise; it is a strategic imperative,” she stated.

Resident Representative of UNDP Nigeria, Ms Elsie Attafuah, reinforced this argument by stressing that development financing should not be viewed solely through a national lens.

“The Sustainable Development Goals are ultimately delivered in states, provinces, cities, and communities. Schools are built at the sub-national level. Healthcare services are delivered at the sub-national level. Infrastructure investments, local economic development, enterprise support, and job creation increasingly depend on the capacity of sub-national institutions to mobilise resources, manage them effectively, and direct them toward development priorities,” she said.

For Attafuah, stronger fiscal systems are about more than raising revenue. “This is why strengthening fiscal capacity at the state level is not simply a revenue issue; it is fundamentally a development issue,” she noted.

She added that stronger fiscal institutions enable governments to invest more effectively in people, expand opportunities for growth and improve development outcomes.

 Executive Secretary of the Joint Revenue Board, Olusegun Adesokan, echoed the call for reform, advocating greater institutional autonomy, digital transformation and improved revenue administration as critical tools for sustainable revenue growth.

Beyond domestic reforms, the Abuja engagement also highlighted the growing importance of South-South cooperation. Increasingly, African countries are looking to one another for practical solutions to shared development challenges.

Leader of the Ethiopian delegation, Solomon Tesfasilassie, described the exchange as “a powerful testament to the impact of South-South cooperation.”

According to him, “This visit has served as a powerful testament to the impact of South-South cooperation. Over the last three days, our delegations have engaged in crucial dialogues regarding the Integrated National Financing Framework implementation.”

He added that Ethiopia had gained “invaluable insights into innovative financing strategies and domestic resource mobilisation models,” as well as lessons in governance, monitoring, evaluation and private-sector engagement.

That exchange reflects a broader trend across the continent. African countries are increasingly sharing experiences in tax administration, digital governance, investment promotion and development financing. Such peer learning offers an opportunity to develop solutions that are better suited to local realities and national priorities.

As Christabel Chanda-Ginsberg, Public Engagement, Outreach and Partnerships Lead at UNDP Nigeria, observed, the engagement demonstrates how African countries can create “stronger, nationally owned pathways to finance development, strengthen public institutions and align public and private capital with national priorities.”

Ultimately, the significance of the Nigeria–Ethiopia INFF partnership extends beyond fiscal policy. It represents a growing recognition that Africa’s development future will depend on its ability to build resilient institutions, strengthen domestic financing systems and learn from one another.

The challenge before African governments is not merely to secure more funding, but to ensure that available resources are managed strategically and efficiently. If countries can translate the principles of the INFF into practical reforms, they may begin to close the persistent gap between ambition and delivery.

In the final analysis, Africa’s development story will not be written by the resources it lacks, but by how effectively it mobilises and deploys those already within its reach.

Etim Etim explains how a press conference organised by Akwa Ibom State government turned out to be a practical lesson on importance of effective communication.

To mark Akwa Ibom State Governor, Pastor Umo Eno’s third anniversary in office, his Commissioner for Information, Aniekan Umanah, and the entire cabinet recently organized a press conference in the Government House Banquet Hall in Uyo, the state capital. It was essentially meant to showcase the administration’s landmark achievements, but it turned out to be a lesson on the importance of effective communication as a tool for effective leadership.

On the second anniversary last year, the governor himself took questions for about three hours from a panel of journalists that included me. This year, he stayed away and allowed his commissioners to take charge. Not a bad idea as it is advisable for the chief executive to occasionally step back and allow his team into the driver’s seat. Over 300 journalists attended.

The event commenced with a brief introductory remarks by the Governor’s Press Secretary, Ekerete Udoh, and was followed by a lengthy address by Umanah. It contained everything the governor has done in the last three years themed into his five-point ARISE Agenda. It was quite a comprehensive briefing and Umana’s skillful delivery made the session interesting.

But trouble arose during the question and answer session. Over 15 questions were asked and it was Umanah’s responsibility, as the chief moderator, to identify the relevant government official to answer them. It was an opportune moment for the commissioners to show leadership and demonstrate a good grasp of their job, but some fell below expectations.

The first question was on the menace of cattle roaming the streets and destroying farmlands despite the existence of a law that criminalizes that. The journalist wanted to know what is being done to contain the activities of herders. The Commissioner for Internal Security and Waterways, Brigadier General Koko Essien (rtd), was asked to address the question. The first statement that Essien made as soon as he took the microphone was that the anti-open grazing law in the state does not stop cows from wandering around in the streets of Akwa Ibom. He did not however say what is in the law and how it has achieved its purpose. That got the journalists riled up and elicited murmurs from the floor. Ruffled by the reaction of the audience, Essien said there’s a task force in place to check the problem. He then gave out a hotline the public could call if a farmland is invaded by roaming cattle.

Commissioner for Agriculture, Dr (Mrs) Offiong Offor added to the confusion when she said that in some cases information received from the public on farmland invasion turn out to be a hoax. It didn’t go down well with the audience. Roaming cattle and their herders constitute a major cause of insecurity in the country. Officials should be well prepared to provide convincing answers to questions on the matter.

The next questions were on mounting refuse heaps and presence of mentally ill persons in the streets of Uyo. These are questions I had planned to ask right from when I received the invitation for the press conference. The head of Akwa Ibom State Environmental Protection and Waste Management Agency (AKWASEPA), Prince Ikim and Commissioner for Women Affairs and Social Welfare, Mrs Ini Adiakpna, took the questions. I was surprised that Ikim could not offer a coherent answer on refuse disposal although he has been on the job for over 10 years! I am aware of the huge investments of the government in waste management and Ikim’s hard work and dedication, but his lackluster performance in answering the question got me thinking about the importance of effective communication skills in management and leadership, and why senior officials should receive training in this area regularly. Again, there were murmurs from the floor.

On the problem of roaming lunatics, Mrs Adiakpan said the approach is to round up these people and send them to the psychiatry hospital, although some of them are not even from Akwa Ibom State. ‘’Some of them have been treated in our psychiatry hospitals and released to their families, but more often than not, they soon returned to the streets’’, the commissioner said in an obvious exasperation, wondering why families cannot take care of their mentally sick members.

I raised my hand to make a point. I wanted to suggest that the government should build an asylum to accommodate these people. It is so disturbing to see naked mad people roaming the streets. The journalist who asked the question mentioned an incident in which he was walking his minor children to school one morning and they suddenly came upon a naked male lunatic.

The fourth question was on the problem of out-of-school children. The young professor of History who serves as Commissioner for Education, Ubong Essien Umoh, took the microphone. I have participated in a webinar with him last year, and I have a good impression of him; and because I have many professors as a brother and friends, I take one seriously when they speak. Umoh said the state has a 3.5% out-of-school children, far better than the 34% national average.

But the commissioner did not articulate any thoughts on how the government intends to get more kids out of the streets into the classroom despite the longstanding free education policy in the state. In 2024, I called the then Commissioner for Information, Ini Ememobong, and reported the case of a man who has refused to send his children to school, despite all my entreaties. Ememobong later told me that he had forwarded my complaint to then-Commissioner for Education and that a team from the Education Ministry had visited the man. I was happy. But I can report here that the children are still at home, wandering around the neighbourhood during school hours. The Education ministry should also set up a hotline to receive reports of parents and guardians who do not send their wards to school.

There were other questions on agriculture and poor electricity supply in the state. Epileptic electricity supply is a national problem, but Akwa Ibom people have been quite strident in their complaints. ������Ƶes and households are enduring huge losses, and the fact that the state was among the first to establish a state-owned power plant over 20 years ago make the experience all the more jarring. Commissioner for Power and Petroleum Development, Iniobong Robson (or Robinson) took time to give a long answer, laying out the historical context to the problem and what the governor was doing to address it. He was quite articulate and knowledgeable, but the journalists were too impatient to hear him out.

The point is that the government has made an enabling law that governs electricity generation and distribution in the state. Last year, the government organized a summit to distill ideas and proposals on how best to manage the business. A regulatory agency has also been established, members hired and the government is at the verge of inaugurating an audit of assets and liabilities of the electricity market in the state.

A lot more work needs to be done before the sector is well established. A lot of credit should go to President Bola Tinubu for decentralizing the industry and signing the law that now empowers state governments to own electricity businesses. What really stopped from previous presidents from doing this?

The Commissioner for Works & Fire Service, Prof. Eno James Ibanga, demonstrated a full understanding of his portfolio when a question on roads and infrastructure came up. Not surprising, he is a former Vice chancellor of the state-owned university and is one of the longest serving cabinet members, having been Commissioner for Works since August 2020. He said the Eno administration has spent N743 billion on road projects since 2023 and N5.4 billion to provide solar-powered street lights. Solar powered lighting has saved the state the N200 million monthly expenditure on diesel to fuel generators used previously to power street lights. This was music to the journalists’ ears. We love to have facts and figures to demonstrate performance. Ibanga took a long time to make his point, mentioning number of potholes filled this year and repair works the government has done. People were nodding and clapping because the evidence on the streets bears that out. Akwa Ibom has some of the best road networks in the country.

After Ibanga, the moderator (Commissioner for Information) asked the head of the waste management agency, Prince Ikim, to return to the podium to add more flesh to his earlier answer. It was clear that the officials were not impressed with his initial answer to the question of mounting refuse heaps and government funding to his agency. Ikim was now bolder and more audacious, announcing that the Eno administration had increased funding to his agency from N122 million to N350 million (but he did not say whether this was a monthly or yearly subvention. I guess that it’s the former).

It was now 4.35pm – two hours after the press conference started, and suddenly Governor Eno emerged from a side door all alone by himself, dressed in a pair of black pants and ARISE branded shirt, and walked gingerly into the hall. He quickly grabbed the microphone and went up to the podium. Eno expressed surprise at the inability of some commissioners to speak eloquently, boldly and audaciously about the administration’s achievements. He was particularly unhappy with Ikim’s answer to the question of whether funding to his agency has improved. If Eno were a brash leader, he would have fired Ikim right there.

The press conference then took a different turn and it was clear that the chief executive was now in the saddle. Eno said he’d been monitoring proceedings and has been impressed with the quality of probing questions, but disappointed that the answers were not detailed. He spoke on a wide range of issues, demonstating that he’s a hands on leader. He said his administration has made huge expenditures on wastes management and that the government is looking for recycling experts to partner with the government on waste management.

He has constructed 1,358 kilometers of road in the state since he took office and eliminated 2,000 ghost workers from the payroll.  Just recently, he approved investment of N16.5 billion for the recapitalization of Anchor Insurance Company to avoid its liquidation.

On Ibom Power Company, his administration has been paying about $500,000 to AFRIEXIM Bank to liquidate a longstanding loan taken by a previous administration. Internally generated revenue has jumped from N3 billion to N12 billion monthly after he introduced TSA (Treasury Single Account) to track revenues and plug leakages.

The governor concluded by appealing to journalists to stick to the ideals of good journalism that abhors falsehood and sensationalism. He would always take steps to protect his person, if a false and damaging publication is made against him. He mentioned the case of a blogger who is being tried in the law court for writing falsehood against him, and said he would consider a pardon if she had apologized.

An important lesson from the press conference is the need for leaders and their teams to develop good communication as a tool in management. Good communication gets citizens informed and aligned with the government; builds trust and morale; elicits feedbacks; averts conflicts and makes execution of policies easier.

Happy Third Anniversary, Mr Governor.

Governor Biodun Oyebani of Ekiti state has lauded President Bola Tinubu for making governance easier for all the 36 state governors through the allocation of more resources to the subnationals.

Ekiti State Governor, Mr Biodun Oyebanji has said that he owes President Bola Tinubu a debt of gratitude for making governance easier for him, as well as other governors.

Speaking in Ado- Ekiti at an interactive session with newsmen, Oyebanji narrated how his administration had struggled for almost six months to attend to the State’s wage bill and capital projects until the emergence of Tinubu as president.

The Governor stated that the various interventionist programmes of the President made more resources available to all States including Ekiti; enabling his administration to implement its shared prosperity agenda with ease.

At the interactive session which was attended by heads of media outfits in the state, and journalists across from the print, electronics and digital media, Oyebanji said the ongoing construction works on three of the federal roads linking the State have eased up pressure from citizens who have been calling on his government to fix the roads.

He said the cost of award of the recently approved concrete pavement on Ado-Itawure road is higher than the State’s budget for 2023; noting that without the president’s intervention on the road, there was no way the State could have embarked on its construction.

“I became Governor six months before the inauguration of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu as president. In those six months, I had sleepless nights thinking about how to meet the wage bill and also implement the shared prosperity agenda. We have completed the airport now. Our focus is on roads. Thanks to the President, Ado-Akure road is almost done. He has also awarded Ado-Itawure road. The value of that contract is bigger than our budget for two years. If not for the president that cares, there is no way we could have done those roads”, he said.

The governor stated that the increased allocation from the Federal Government has enabled his administration to increase subvention to the State’s tertiary institutions three times and meet the demands of the labour force, thereby fostering industrial harmony in the State.

Speaking further, Oyebanji said his government has paid over 85 Billion Naira in gratuities and pension since his administration came on board in 2022.

He asserted that the endorsement of his administration by Ekiti people has been largely as a result of the sterling performance of his administration which is being facilitated by Tinubu’s presidency.

The governor also thanked the media in the state for being professional in the discharge of their duties/ enlightening the public and holding the government accountable when necessary.

While urging Ekiti people to support Tinubu’s re-election, Oyebanji said the president is repositioning Nigeria on the path of greatness and should be given the benefits of the doubts.

“The president deserves commendations. It is not possible to make omelette without breaking eggs. The progress and stability that he has brought to the economy and everything, it takes someone who has courage and confidence  to do it. He is trying to fix things that have gone wrong in the last 30 years. If someone is sick and you give him an injection, does he get well instantly? Mr President deserves our support and understanding. I have sat with him many times and I can see that he has clarity of intention and how to put the country on the right footing”, the governor said.

As communities fall to repeated attacks, Plateau’s struggle over land, identity, and survival grows ever more urgent. Yemi Kosoko examines issues behind the attacks and the battle for territory, security, and the future of Plateau state’s displaced people.

When gunmen stormed Kawel village in Bokkos Local Government Area shortly before midnight, residents were already accustomed to the sound of gunfire. What they were not prepared for was the scale of devastation that would follow. By dawn, no fewer than 25 people lay dead, homes were smouldering, and families were scattered across the surrounding bushes.

The attack carried out by suspected herdsmen was the latest in a long chain of violence that has turned Plateau’s once‑peaceful highlands into one of Nigeria’s most volatile flashpoints. It came just days after the killing of the District Head of Gwande, Saf Samuel Alaket, and months after the Christmas Eve massacres that left over 250 people dead.

But beneath the headlines lies a deeper, more complex crisis one shaped by land disputes, demographic shifts, security failures, competing narratives, and a humanitarian catastrophe that continues to expand.

Plateau’s conflict is often framed as farmer–herder clashes, but community leaders argue that the crisis has evolved far beyond that.

The Atakar, Berom, Irigwe, Mwagavwul, and Ron Youth Associations, in a joint press statement, allege a systematic pattern of land occupation and displacement. They claim that over 151 hamlets and villages across Bassa, Barkin Ladi, Riyom, Bokkos, and Mangu have been “annexed” by armed groups.

“There is a serious undercurrent to the unprecedented and well‑orchestrated terror attacks… with the principal motive of dispossessing us of our God‑given lands,” the statement read.

They further allege that some destroyed churches have been replaced with mosques, citing communities such as Rankum (Mahanga) and Kak in Riyom.

On the other side, the Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (MACBAN) insists that Fulani communities are also victims. In a February 2026 statement, the group reported the killing of three herders in Barkin Ladi, accusing Berom youths of targeting their members.

“Our people are being targeted and killed with impunity… We demand protection and justice,” MACBAN stated.

These competing narratives each claiming victimhood have hardened distrust and deepened the cycle of reprisals.

Land remains the most explosive fault line.

Plateau’s fertile soils, mineral deposits, and temperate climate make it a prized territory. Communities argue that attacks often coincide with areas rich in cassiterite, columbite, fertile farmlands, and water sources.

In Gashish District, for example, displaced residents say Fulani settlers now dominate local markets and transport routes, an economic shift they interpret as evidence of territorial takeover.

The youth associations’ document lists dozens of villages allegedly renamed or repopulated by new occupants. Whether all claims can be independently verified remains a subject for further investigation, but the perception of land loss is real and deeply felt.

Despite the presence of Operation Safe Haven, the Nigerian Police, and local vigilante networks, attacks continue with alarming frequency.

Survivors of the Kawel attack say distress calls were made around midnight, yet the attackers operated for hours.

Security analysts argue that the terrain, proliferation of arms, and porous borders complicate enforcement. But communities insist that the state’s failure to protect them has emboldened attackers.

Plateau is one of Nigeria’s major producers of potatoes, vegetables, grains, and livestock. With farmers unable to access their lands, food prices have surged, and national food security is increasingly threatened.

Health facilities have not been spared. In Kawel, attackers invaded the Primary Health Care Centre, killing four people. In other communities, clinics have been burned or abandoned.

The psychological trauma especially among children is immeasurable.

Experts point to several overlapping drivers why the violence persists amongst which include unresolved land ownership disputes, weak law enforcement and impunity as well as ethno‑religious tensions, climate‑driven migration and shrinking grazing routes, proliferation of small arms, political manipulation and elite interests.

Without addressing these root causes, each attack becomes a precursor to the next.

Pathways to a Sustainable Solution!

A transparent land and boundary audit with a state‑wide mapping of disputed lands, abandoned villages, and occupied territories conducted by neutral bodies, could help establish facts and guide restitution.

Strengthening security architecture by deploying more personnel to vulnerable corridors. Improve intelligence gathering and establish rapid‑response units in hotspots will also address the issue.

Dialogue platforms involving farmers, herders, traditional rulers, youth groups, and religious leaders must be revived and empowered.

Ending impunity is crucial. Arrests must lead to transparent trials, regardless of ethnicity or religion.

Governor Caleb Mutfwang’s administration has expressed willingness to return IDPs home, but communities insist this requires, rebuilding destroyed homes, clearing farmlands, providing security guarantees and restoring schools and clinics.

The youth associations have called for UN and international intervention. While sovereignty concerns remain, global partners can support on humanitarian relief, early‑warning systems, peacebuilding programs and technical support for land reforms.

Plateau’s conflict is no longer a series of isolated attacks; it is a systemic crisis reshaping demographics, livelihoods, and inter‑communal relations. The longer displaced communities remain away from their lands, the harder reconciliation becomes.

Yet, amid the despair, there are glimmers of hope. The late Imam Abdullahi Abubakar, who once sheltered over 200 Christians during a crisis remains a symbol of what Plateau can be when humanity triumphs over hatred.

The question now is whether leaders, communities, and the state can summon the courage to break the cycle.

Because for Plateau, the cost of inaction is already too high.

Laleye Dipo in Minna

The Niger State House of Assembly is embroiled in crisis in what political observers said was a fallout of the All Progressives Congress (APC) Primary election, where candidates of the party for next year’s election were picked.

During the election, 19 out of the 27 member house including the deputy speaker, Mrs Affiniki Dauda , all APC members did not receive the tickets to contest the 2027 election.

The legislators blamed their defeats on Governor Umar bago, who allegedly betrayed them after giving assurances that they would all be returned without opposition.

The governor, it was said, reneged on his promise to give financial support to the legislators to assist them in their campaign.

The annoyance of the lawmakers was taken to plenary on Tuesday where the legislators who presently formed the majority refused sitting to take place.

The lawmakers asked that “all unresolved issues” be addressed before sitting commenced.

Member representing Chanchaga Local Government, Alhaji Mohammed Abubakar Kabir, said the house should suspend plenary “untill all unresolved issues  with the executive are resolved.”

Kabir declared further that posterity will not forgive them “If the house continues to allow pending issues with the executive to be swept under the carpet,” adding that they (lawmakers) must stop sending wrong signals to the public

The motion was seconded by the member representing Borgu constituency, Alhaji Abdulrahman Gambo.

*Party chair warns nobody will take their victory and run away

*PDP declares minister on loan to APC without transfer clause

Chuks Okocha in Abuja

The Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, has dared the Tanimu Turaki faction of the party that June 26 would determine the authentic PDP faction, saying “lets know who the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) would give the access code to upload the nomination forms.”

By the INEC guidelines, all registered and approved political parties would be issued access code from June 26.

The Turaki-led Interim National Working Committee, said INEC Wednesday validated all the candidates contesting elections on its platform.

But Wike who spoke at the NEC meeting dared the Turaki group saying, “June 26 is around the corner. Let’s see who INEC will give the access code to upload their nominated candidates.

“Some of you pick forms from the wrong place. This is the authentic place to pick form. Let’s see what happens on June 26. Let’s see who INEC will give the access form,” he said.

According to Wike, the Turaki-led PDP operated from a hotel, but the authentic PDP operated from the registered office of the PDP.

Speaking further, Wike congratulated the party for the conduct of the primary election that was successful, but chided some politicians he described as “food is ready politicians.”

Meanwhile,  the Turaki PDP has warned its candidates against defecting after securing the party’s tickets, saying those whose names would be submitted to INEC for the 2027 general election would be required to sign undertakings committing them to the party, as it confirmed former President Goodluck Jonathan as its presidential candidate.

The warning came as the opposition party presented Certificates of Return to 21 governorship candidates, declared that it had completed nominations nationwide and signalled its readiness for the 2027 elections.

Turaki said the party was determined to prevent a repeat of situations where candidates secured mandates on its platform and later defected to other parties.

“Nobody, moving forward, nobody will take our mandate to another political party and get away with it. But before we take your names to INEC, you will sign. You will sign an undertaking. What had happened before will not happen again,” Turaki said.

Speaking also, the National Organising Secretary of the PDP Interim National Working Committee, Hon. Theophilus Dakas Shan, disclosed that the PDP had nominated former President Goodluck Jonathan as its presidential candidate for the 2027 election.

“We have a presidential candidate who bought the forms, who signed it and we nominated him the other day. And that is the former president, Goodluck Jonathan,” he said.

‘Wike on Loan to APC’

In another development, the Wike faction of the PDP has pushed back against suggestions that Wike could be headed for the ruling APC, saying recent commendation from the APC National Chairman, Professor Nentawe Yilwatda, should not be mistaken for signs of an impending political transfer.

The PDP insisted that the former Rivers State governor remained firmly within its fold despite serving in President Bola Tinubu’s administration.

In a statement by its National Publicity Secretary, Jungudo Haruna Mohammed, the party described Wike as one of its most valuable political assets and maintained that his service in the APC-led administration had not altered his standing within the PDP.

“As Professor Yilwatda himself suggested, Barrister Wike’s engagement with the APC-led administration is best viewed as a political loan arrangement. We wish to state unequivocally that such an arrangement contains no provision whatsoever for a permanent transfer,” the party said.

By AbdulAzeez AbdulAzeez Olumide

In the race for political leadership, popularity often commands attention. Yet history repeatedly shows that the leaders who leave lasting legacies are not always the most visible; they are often those who possess the competence, experience, and capacity to translate vision into results.

As discussions surrounding the future leadership of Lagos State gather momentum, one name continues to feature prominently in political and governance circles: Dr. Kadri Obafemi Hamzat. The question is no longer whether he has the ambition to lead, but whether his record in public service provides sufficient justification for those who believe he is prepared for the state’s highest office.

So I say the question “ What exactly has Dr. Kadri Obafemi Hamzat done to justify being considered a strong contender for the governorship of Lagos State?” is a legitimate question. In every thriving democracy, those who seek leadership must be subjected to public scrutiny. Leadership is not an entitlement; it is a responsibility that must be earned through service, performance, and the ability to inspire confidence.

For Dr. Kadri Obafemi Hamzat, however, the answer lies not in campaign rhetoric or political slogans, but in a decades-long record of public service, administrative competence, and measurable contributions to the growth and development of Lagos State.

In an era where governance increasingly requires technical expertise alongside political leadership, Hamzat represents a unique blend of both worlds. His journey has been defined by academic excellence, private-sector experience, technological innovation, infrastructure development, and practical governance. Unlike many political actors whose credentials are largely built on electoral visibility, Hamzat’s profile has been shaped by years of solving complex governance challenges and delivering results across critical sectors.

One of the defining aspects of his public service career was his tenure as Commissioner for Science and Technology. Long before digital governance became a central theme in public administration, Hamzat championed reforms that transformed government operations through technology. Under his leadership, Lagos State became the first government institution in Africa to successfully deploy eleven modules of the Oracle Enterprise Resource Planning (ERP) system.

This was more than a technological achievement. It represented a major step toward transparency, accountability, and efficiency in public administration. The integration of government processes through technology significantly improved data management and helped eliminate the long-standing challenge of ghost workers within the state payroll system. It demonstrated an understanding that sustainable governance is built not only on policies but also on systems that ensure effective implementation.

His transition to the Ministry of Works and Infrastructure further showcased his versatility and leadership capacity. While technology had defined one phase of his service, infrastructure became the focus of another. During his tenure, Lagos witnessed the execution of landmark projects that continue to shape the state’s economic and physical landscape.

Among these was the delivery of the iconic Lekki-Ikoyi Link Bridge, Nigeria’s first cable-stayed bridge and one of the most recognisable symbols of modern Lagos. He also played a pivotal role in infrastructure expansion across key economic corridors, including the Lekki-Epe axis, contributing to improved mobility, increased investment opportunities, and enhanced economic activities within the state.

These accomplishments reveal a recurring pattern throughout Hamzat’s public service career: a commitment to building systems, strengthening institutions, and delivering projects with long-term value.

Perhaps even more significant is his deep understanding of the complexities of governing Lagos State. Lagos is not merely another subnational entity within Nigeria. It is Africa’s leading commercial hub, home to a population larger than that of many African countries and an economy that continues to drive national growth.

Leading a state of such magnitude requires more than political popularity. It demands an understanding of public finance, urban planning, transportation systems, education, healthcare delivery, technology, security coordination, and economic development. These are competencies that are cultivated through years of practical governance experience.

As Deputy Governor, Dr. Hamzat has spent years at the centre of policy formulation, implementation, and strategic decision-making. Serving alongside Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu, he has played an active role in advancing the THEMES+ Agenda, contributing to initiatives that have transformed transportation, expanded educational opportunities, strengthened healthcare systems, and accelerated digital innovation.

The successful rollout of the Blue and Red Rail Lines, investments in road infrastructure, expansion of healthcare facilities, and continuous efforts to improve public service delivery all reflect the work of an administration in which Hamzat has been a critical stakeholder and contributor.

Beyond projects and policies, Hamzat has earned a reputation as one of the most intellectually grounded figures in Lagos politics. Trained as an engineer and recognised for his analytical approach to governance, he has consistently demonstrated an ability to approach public challenges through evidence-based solutions rather than political expediency. His leadership style reflects a preference for institution-building, strategic planning, and sustainable development.

Of course, experience alone does not automatically qualify anyone for higher office. Leadership also requires integrity, empathy, courage, vision, and the ability to unite people behind a common purpose. These qualities remain essential in any democratic society.

However, vision without competence often remains unrealised. Ambition without capacity can become a burden on governance. The most effective leaders are those who combine ideas with execution and aspiration with measurable outcomes.

As Lagos prepares for its next political chapter, citizens must look beyond personality politics and focus on leadership capacity. The challenges and opportunities facing the state require leaders who understand governance not merely as a platform for political relevance but as a responsibility that demands expertise, experience, and strategic thinking.

The debate, therefore, should not simply be about who desires to govern Lagos. It should be about who possesses the institutional knowledge, administrative competence, and proven record necessary to sustain progress and drive the state toward greater prosperity.

In that conversation, Dr. Kadri Obafemi Hamzat’s record presents a compelling case worthy of serious consideration.

For a state as important as Lagos, the choice of leadership should never be determined by who speaks the loudest or commands the biggest applause. It should be guided by who has demonstrated, through years of service and tangible impact, the capacity to build the future that Lagos deserves.

And on that score, Dr. Kadri Obafemi Hamzat remains a strong contender for the governorship of Lagos State.

•AbdulAzeez AbdulAzeez Olumide is a Fellow of the Lateef Jakande Leadership Academy

The increasing participation of younger Nigerians in politics continues to reshape conversations around leadership and governance across the country.

In Ebonyi State, Osborn Nweze Umahi has emerged as one of the young voices gaining attention through grassroots mobilization and political engagement.

Recent activities involving supporters of President Bola Tinubu and Governor Francis Nwifuru highlighted the growing role of youth-led political structures in local governance discussions.

Analysts argue that younger politicians are increasingly using direct community engagement to build relationships with voters and promote development-focused agendas.

For many supporters, Osborn’s political activities represent a broader effort to encourage youth participation while strengthening connections between elected officials and local communities.

As Nigeria’s political landscape evolves, observers believe grassroots engagement will remain a key factor in determining the success of emerging leaders across the country.

As Nigeria grapples with mounting security challenges, the debate over state policing has evolved from a theoretical proposition into an urgent national imperative, bringing into sharp focus the complex task of managing the challenges associated with its implementation, writes Linus Aleke.

Driven by rising insecurity across the federation, the proposal for decentralised policing has gained renewed momentum, even as it continues to raise complex constitutional, financial and operational questions.

At the centre of this evolving conversation is President Bola Tinubu, whose position on state policing has remained consistently supportive and unequivocal.

Speaking during a Ramadan dinner with members of the National Assembly, where governance and security reforms were discussed, the President underscored the need for a policing structure that reflects Nigeria’s diversity and complexity.

According to him, Nigeria’s security framework must evolve to meet contemporary realities, stressing that a centralised system is no longer sufficient to address the scale and spread of threats across the country.

He stated: “Our security challenges require a structure that is closer to the people. We must be bold enough to consider state policing as part of the reforms needed to protect lives and property across the federation.”

This position is not new. During his tenure as Governor of Lagos State, Tinubu consistently advocated greater subnational control over internal security, arguing that states require operational proximity to respond effectively to local threats. That long-standing conviction continues to shape his reform agenda at the federal level.

Within the National Assembly, legislative momentum has begun to build. The House of Representatives has made notable progress in advancing the constitutional amendment process required to establish state policing. Lawmakers have described the reform as a necessary response to Nigeria’s evolving security landscape.

Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Rt. Hon. Benjamin Kalu, captured this sentiment when he observed:

“I have consistently argued that a highly centralised policing system cannot adequately address the diverse and complex security realities of a country with over 220 million people, 36 states and 774 local government areas.

“State policing will reduce response times, improve intelligence gathering and enable security personnel to operate within communities they understand culturally, linguistically and socially.”

Speaking at the Nigerian People’s Strategic Conference and Defence Exhibition 2026 in Abuja, Kalu further revealed: “The bill now proceeds to the Senate and subsequently to the State Houses of Assembly for consideration.”

His remarks reflect a growing legislative consensus that decentralisation, if properly structured, could significantly improve operational efficiency and strengthen community-based policing outcomes.

The Senate, on its part, has intensified efforts to refine the legal framework in preparation for its passage. At a recent strategic engagement, Senator Osita Izunaso emphasised the urgency of concluding the legislative process.

He stated: “The Senate is fine-tuning the state policing legal framework passed by the House of Representatives and is expected to pass the legislation within two weeks, underscoring the imperative of decentralising policing functions in Nigeria.”

Following Senate consideration, attention is expected to shift to the State Houses of Assembly, where optimism remains high that the constitutional amendments will secure the required approvals. Given the broad support already expressed by state governors, many observers believe the reform is likely to receive endorsement with minimal resistance.

Despite the growing political consensus, however, the Nigeria Governors’ Forum (NGF) has raised critical concerns regarding the proposed structure and implementation framework. At a recent meeting in Abuja, governors unanimously endorsed the principle of state policing while stressing the need for constitutional safeguards and clearer operational parameters.

Among their principal concerns are the proposal to move policing from the Exclusive Legislative List to the Concurrent Legislative List, concerns over National Assembly oversight that could undermine state autonomy, and fears of political interference in the approval process. Funding also remains a major issue, particularly the proposed three per cent allocation from the Federation Account, which governors consider inadequate to sustain recruitment, logistics, training and operational requirements.

Addressing reporters after a meeting of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum in Abuja, Governor of Ogun State, Dapo Abiodun, articulated the position of the governors, while commending the initiative.

He said: “The Forum received a presentation from the NGF Secretariat and a delegation of the Honourable Attorneys-General of the States on efforts to support the establishment of State Police in Nigeria. It also noted a dedicated consultation with the attorneys-general to review the proposed constitutional amendments and implementation frameworks.

“Governors emphasised the need for State Police to be constitutionally sound and aligned with the principles of federalism and the protection of citizens’ rights. The Forum acknowledged the collaborative effort and noted that the outcomes of the consultations would strengthen the states’ collective position.”

There are also concerns regarding administrative bottlenecks, legal ambiguities and the regulation of small arms and light weapons, all of which stakeholders warn must be carefully addressed to prevent unintended security consequences. The governors further argued that any framework requiring federal approval for state policing structures could weaken responsiveness and undermine operational independence.

Meanwhile, the Inspector-General of Police, Olatunji Disu, while presenting the Nigeria Police Force’s implementation framework to the National Assembly, stressed that the reform is intended to strengthen rather than fragment national security.

According to him, the 75-page document contains “professional insights and strategic recommendations” aimed at ensuring a balanced, effective and workable model.

He further explained that decentralisation would allow the Nigeria Police Force to focus on transnational and other complex crimes, while state police formations concentrate on localised security threats. In his words, the objective is “synergy, not competition; partnership, not duplication.”

Tinubu’s administration has maintained that security reforms must be bold, pragmatic and adaptive, a position increasingly echoed by lawmakers across both chambers of the National Assembly.

Nevertheless, dissenting voices remain cautious. Retired Deputy Commander of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA), Sule Momodu, has consistently argued that structural reforms within the existing federal policing framework may be preferable. He maintains that strengthening the Nigeria Police Force and fully implementing existing legal provisions could achieve similar outcomes without the risks associated with decentralisation.

Similarly, security analysts have highlighted concerns about the potential misuse of state-controlled security apparatuses for political purposes, as well as disparities in institutional capacity across states, which could deepen existing security inequalities if not properly addressed.

International experience, however, offers compelling evidence in support of decentralised policing models. Studies from federal systems such as the United States, Canada and Germany suggest that state or provincial policing structures can improve response times, strengthen intelligence gathering and enhance public trust. In several jurisdictions, decentralised policing has also been associated with measurable reductions in specific categories of crime, particularly those requiring rapid local intervention.

In Nigeria’s case, the IGP’s committee has reportedly examined at least two major implementation models: a dual-policing structure, under which federal and state police would operate within clearly defined jurisdictions; and a coordinated decentralised model that grants states operational autonomy while maintaining national oversight standards. Both frameworks seek to balance local responsiveness with national security cohesion.

Ultimately, the success of state policing in Nigeria will depend on how effectively these initial challenges are managed. Legal clarity, sustainable funding, clearly defined command structures and robust accountability mechanisms will be essential to preventing institutional overlap, operational conflicts and political abuse.

While the concerns raised by stakeholders remain valid, the momentum for reform is unmistakable.

If carefully designed and effectively implemented, state policing has the potential to reshape Nigeria’s internal security architecture by bringing law enforcement closer to the people while preserving national unity, accountability and operational coherence in an increasingly complex security environment.

In a well orchestrated political game, the House of Representatives halted the quest by Hon. Ikeagno Ugochinyere to lead the minority caucus following the announcement of Hon. Fred Agbedi as the new leader. Adedayo Akinwale writes.

The quest to fill the vacant position of the Minority Leader of the House of Representatives almost affected the image of the Green Chamber when rumours filtered in that monies allegedly exchanged hands to pave the way for a member representing Ideato North/Ideato South federal constituency in Imo state, Hon. Ikeagno Ugochinyere, to lead the minority caucus.

The position became vacant after Hon.  Kingsley Chinda, lawmaker representing Obio/Akpor federal constituency, who vacated the role after emerging as the APC governorship candidate for Rivers state.

Against this background, 61 opposition lawmakers drawn from several opposition parties represented were said to have formally submitted Ugochinyere’s nomination to the Speaker, Hon. Tajudeen Abbas, for ratification and announcement in line with parliamentary procedures.

According to document made available to journalists on Wednesday, June 3, 2026, 61 out of the 81 opposition members in the House signed the nomination, giving the Imo lawmaker overwhelming backing across party, regional and religious lines.

But, controversy subsequently trailed the endorsement of Ugochinyere when Deputy Spokesperson of the House and a member of the Labour Party (LP), Hon. Philip Agbese during the plenary on Thursday, June 4, 2026 denied endorsing the Action Peoples Party (APP) lawmaker to lead the minority caucus. He alleged that his signature was forged on the document nominating Ugochinyere for the role.

Nevertheless, Ugochinyere dismissed his claim as an “outrageous lie” and subsequently released a video to back his claim that Agbese signed the document endorsing him for the position of minority leader.

In a surprising move during the plenary last Wednesday, the House pulled the rug off the feet of Ugochinyere when it passed a resolution barring first time lawmakers from holding principal offices.

The Green Chamber adopted the resolution following the adoption of a motion sponsored by Hon. Babajimi Benson.

The resolution clarified Order 7, Rule 15 of the Standing Orders of the House. Order 7, Rule 15 of the Standing Orders of the green chamber states that “only members with cognate legislative experience as members of the house of representatives” shall be eligible for appointment as principal officers of the house.

Benson argued: “Global parliamentary best practices rule out first-term parliamentarians from holding principal offices and reserve principal offices for experienced legislators to promote institutional memory, deepen understanding of legislative processes, and enhance competence in constitutional interpretation and intergovernmental relations.”

Buttressing his argument, he cited the senate’s recent amendment to its rules restricting leadership positions to senators who have served at least two terms.

Benson stated: “The 10th senate has recently specifically defined ‘cognate legislative experience’ to mean ‘senators who have completed at least one full four-year term’, adding that those with multiple previous terms must have served in the immediate past assembly.’’

“There is a need to prioritise institutional memory, deepen parliamentary stability and continuity, build legislative experience, minimise avoidable turbulence, and promote mature representation in the comity of international parliamentary associations.”

The House unanimously adopted the motion when the Speaker, Hon. Tajudeen Abbas put it to a voice vote.

In a deft political manouvering, the coup against Ugochinyere was completed on Thursday, June 11, 2026, as the Speaker announced Hon.Frederick Agbedi, representing Sagbama/Ekeremor Federal Constituency of Bayelsa State as Minority Leader..

As conveyed by the Speaker, the Minority Caucus, acting in accordance with Order 7, Rule 15 of the Standing Orders of the House reached a consensus on the emergence of new Principal Officers.

Other officers of the minority caucus are: Hon. Abdussamad Dasuki (ADC, Sokoto) who emerged as the Deputy Minority Leader, Hon.  Mansur Soro (APM, Bauchi), who is now the  Minority Whip.

The Speaker said the nominations were duly arrived at through consensus among members of the opposition caucus in line with established parliamentary procedure governing the emergence of Principal Officers of the House.

The reconstitution of the Minority Leadership followed changes in the composition of the Caucus arising from the resignation of  Chinda, Deputy Minority Leader, Hon.  Aliyu Madaki (Kano); and Minority Whip, Hon. Ali Isa J.C. (Gombe), who defected to the All Progressives Congress (APC).

Checks revealed that Dasuki, representing Kebbe/Tambuwal Federal Constituency of Sokoto State and was, prior to his appointment, Chairman of the House Committee on Shipping Services; while Soro, representing Darazo/Ganjuwa Federal Constituency of Bauchi State and was, prior to his appointment, Chairman of the House Committee on Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs), whereas Hon. George Ozodinobi (NDC, Anambra) retains his position as Deputy Minority Whip.

The Minority Caucus of the House comprises members drawn from eleven political parties, namely: Accord Party, Action People’s Party (APP), African Democratic Congress (ADC), All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), Allied People’s Movement (APM), Labour Party (LP), New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP), Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), People’s Redemption Party (PRP), and the Social Democratic Party (SDP).

Analysts believe Ugochinyere deserved the political coup orchestrated against him considering his desperation to occupy the seat at all cost. They added that he went too far by releasing the video where Agbese was signing a paper, the content of which nobody knows.

A senior staff of the National Assembly who preferred anonymity said for Ugochinyere to have brought out the video, none of his colleagues will ever trust him again.

“He went so low. He was too desperate to occupy the position. He thought he could buy his way to power. Ugochinyere was seen as someone that could speak for the minority. He has been very vibrant on the floor. However, he is a first-timer, the House Rule cannot be sacrificed because of his ambition. He doesn’t have the maturity to occupy the position,” the source said.

In his submission, Hon. Ibrahim Sani, Special Assistant to Agbese, was of the opinion that the recent conduct of Ugochinyere raised serious concerns among many stakeholders about his suitability for the highly respected office of Minority Leader.

According to him, leadership, particularly within a diverse opposition bloc, demands maturity, restraint, diplomacy, and a commitment to fostering unity among colleagues. Unfortunately, recent events suggest a departure from these principles.

Sani emphasised that the office of Minority Leader is not merely a position of influence; it is a symbol of collective representation for opposition parties in the National Assembly.  He added that the occupant is expected to inspire confidence, build consensus, and accommodate divergent views within the caucus. When personal disagreements escalate into public confrontations and allegations, they risk eroding the trust necessary for effective leadership.

He noted: “At a time when Nigerians expect greater collaboration among elected representatives to address pressing national challenges, political actors should prioritize unity, respect for due process, and constructive engagement over public attacks and divisive rhetoric. The Minority Caucus requires leadership that can bring members together, not deepen existing fault lines.

“Ultimately, the controversy surrounding the Minority Leader position should be resolved through established parliamentary and party mechanisms, guided by transparency, fairness, and respect for democratic norms. The focus must remain on strengthening the institution of the National Assembly and ensuring that opposition voices effectively represent the interests of Nigerians.

“For many concerned stakeholders, the recent developments have reinforced the view that leadership positions should be occupied by individuals who demonstrate the temperament, inclusiveness, and statesmanship necessary to unite rather than divide. Whether Hon. Ugochinyere possesses those qualities is a question that recent events have brought increasingly into public scrutiny.”

If Ugochinyere is dreaming of playing national politics or perhaps vue for office of the president in future, he might as well jettison such idea as recent events have shown that he cannot be trusted by his colleagues and comrades alike.