Leaving a stable job is often considered a risky move, but for Steve Maduka, walking away from the former Power Holding Company of Nigeria (PHCN) became the first step toward building an international beauty business.

The founder and Chief Executive Officer of Royal Hairs Limited did not initially set out to become a player in the hair and beauty industry. When he resigned from PHCN in 2010, selling hair extensions was simply a way to earn income while he searched for another career opportunity.

That search took him to the United Kingdom, where he hoped to build a new life. After spending several months abroad without securing the future he had envisioned, Maduka returned to Nigeria in 2011鈥攁 decision he now describes as the defining moment of his entrepreneurial journey.

Back in Lagos, he abandoned the idea of treating the business as a stopgap and committed himself fully to growing Royal Hairs. Starting with limited capital and navigating the uncertainties that confront many young businesses, he focused on quality products, consistency and customer service.

The strategy gradually paid off. By 2016, Royal Hairs had entered a period of rapid growth, opening retail outlets across Nigeria and expanding its workforce to more than 110 employees. The company has since grown into a premium hair extension brand with operations extending beyond Nigeria.

Its latest milestone came in 2024 with the establishment of Royal Hairs Spain S.L. in Barcelona, giving the company a foothold in the European market. From Spain, the business now supplies premium hair extensions to salons, beauty professionals and consumers across countries including Portugal, France, Poland and Sweden.

Maduka, who relocated to Spain to oversee the expansion, continues to manage the company’s Nigerian operations while pursuing broader international ambitions.

Royal Hairs plans to deepen its presence across Africa and Europe and eventually expand into the United Kingdom and the United States through partnerships with retailers, salons, wholesalers and distributors.

Beyond growing the business, Maduka says he is committed to mentoring aspiring entrepreneurs in the beauty industry by sharing business insights and improving access to quality hair products.

Funmi Ogundare 

A Professor of Welding Process Analysis and Surface Modification in the Department of Metallurgical and Materials Engineering at the University of Lagos (UNILAG), and Director of the institution’s Information and Communication Technology (ICT) Centre, Prof. Mohammed Amuda, Monday, called for a fundamental shift in doctoral research across Africa, urging universities to prioritise community-driven and impact-oriented studies capable of influencing public policy, driving innovation and accelerating economic development.

Speaking during the AFRETEC UNILAG Doctoral Academy 2.0, Amuda explained that the programme was designed to produce a new generation of researchers whose work would move beyond academic theses to tangible products, services and policy solutions that address Africa’s development challenges.

According to him, the academy is part of the knowledge creation pillar of the Africa Centre of Excellence initiative under AFRETEC, a consortium of 10 engineering-intensive universities across the continent working to strengthen research capacity and support the African Union’s Agenda 2063.

He noted that while African universities continue to produce doctoral graduates, only a small fraction of their research has translated into policies, innovations or commercially viable solutions.

“We are producing PhD scholars, but how many of these researches have informed policy decisions or resulted in new products and solutions? Africa must become a critical player in shaping its own development rather than allowing others to determine its priorities,” he stated.

Amuda argued that Africa’s development aspirations could only be realised through a robust knowledge economy anchored on high-quality doctoral research capable of addressing local challenges.

He criticised the dominance of externally driven research agendas, noting that many research grants coming into Africa are designed around priorities set by developed countries rather than the continent’s pressing needs.

According to him, doctoral research must be rooted in community realities through a co-creation approach that actively involves intended beneficiaries from the problem-identification stage to solution development.

“Research should not remain abstract or disconnected from society. If you are solving the problem of water access, you must engage the affected community, understand how they currently source water, the challenges they face and what interventions are required. When research responds to real community needs, adoption becomes easier for governments, communities and investors,” he explained.

The director also stressed the importance of responsible and ethical use of emerging technologies, particularly Artificial Intelligence (AI), in strengthening research quality and increasing societal impact.

Emphasising the maiden edition of the academy held in 2025, Amuda described the outcomes as encouraging, revealing that several participants completed their doctoral programmes, published their first scholarly articles, secured conference awards and obtained research fellowships.

He disclosed that feedback from participants prompted organisers to expand the initiative by involving doctoral supervisors alongside students to improve mentorship and ensure both parties share a common understanding of contemporary doctoral research practices.

“The participants told us they were being exposed to cutting-edge research tools, but their supervisors were not. That informed our decision to bring supervisors into this edition so they can jointly explore the doctoral journey and return to their institutions on the same page,” he stated.

Beyond expanding participation to supervisors, Amuda added that the academy had also extended its reach from the South-west to all six geopolitical zones in Nigeria while attracting participants from Morocco, Egypt, Kenya, Rwanda, Senegal, Ethiopia and South Africa.

On monitoring the programme’s impact, he explained that participants now complete structured workbooks throughout the training, after which they are tracked and invited back after six months to assess progress, evaluate outcomes and identify areas for improvement.

He added that one major lesson from the current edition was the need to deliberately include researchers living with disabilities, noting that future editions would make conscious efforts to recruit and support scholars with special needs.

Iyke Bede

A campaign by Lagos-based public relations firm Blanche Aigle Communications for the Gino World Jollof Festival has been shortlisted for the 2026 Cannes Lions International Festival of Creativity and named a finalist at the 2026 SABRE Awards EMEA.

The campaign, developed for Gino in partnership with celebrity chef Hilda Baci, was shortlisted in the Brand Experience & Activation category after emerging among 158 shortlisted entries from 1,551 submissions worldwide. It was also named a finalist in the Diamond Geographic Category for Africa at the SABRE Awards EMEA.

According to the agency, the campaign transformed Nigeria’s signature jollof rice into a global cultural conversation through public relations, experiential marketing, event management, influencer engagement and integrated storytelling. It said the initiative generated more than six billion media impressions worldwide and resulted in two Guinness World Records.

Commenting on the recognition, the Lead Consultant and Founder of Blanche Aigle Communications, Nene Bejide, said:

“Being recognized by both Cannes Lions and the SABRE Awards is a testament to the power of culturally relevant storytelling and integrated communications. The Gino World Jollof Festival demonstrated what is possible when strategy, creativity, execution, and authentic cultural insight come together to create experiences that resonate deeply with audiences.

We are incredibly proud of this achievement and grateful to Gino, Hilda Baci, our partners, and our exceptional team for believing in and bringing this vision to life.”

China European International 糖心视频 School inducted new members of its Nigeria Alumni Chapter in Lagos recently, where the school鈥檚 Executive Director, Prof. Gordon Adomdza, told business leaders they need to learn how Chinese companies operate as the country partners with more businesses worldwide.

The ceremony, held on Victoria Island, also marked the launch of the chapter鈥檚 new alumni website, drawing alumni and programme graduates from across Nigeria.

CEIBS has more than 33,000 alumni across 91 countries. The Financial Times ranked its Global EMBA second in the world in 2025, and its MBA has held first place in Asia for ten consecutive years.

Adomdza鈥檚 remarks came as China鈥檚 removal of tariffs on all Nigerian goods, effective May 1, 2026, opened the widest market access Beijing has offered the continent. Trade between the two countries passed $28 billion in 2025. Most Nigerian managers, he said, now deal with Chinese firms as suppliers, partners, or competitors, often without the training to read how those firms operate.

鈥淐hina鈥檚 presence on the African continent keeps growing, which means managers and entrepreneurs will end up working with Chinese firms one way or another, directly or through a partner. If we want Africa built on our own terms, our executives need to understand how these global companies do business and how they negotiate,鈥� Adomdza said.

鈥淎n executive who does not understand how the company across the table operates will take the terms on offer, not the terms they could have negotiated,鈥� he added. 鈥淭hat is what this education changes. We are not teaching people to be wary of Chinese capital. We are teaching them to engage it from a position of knowledge.鈥�

CEIBS closes that gap, according to him, by teaching executives to read business from both Western and Eastern vantage points rather than one alone. The goal, he added, is adaptation: study what has worked in comparable markets, then build local solutions on that evidence rather than copy foreign models wholesale.

Saidat Lawal-Mohammed, Country Manager for CEIBS Africa in Nigeria, said the school鈥檚 China Immersion Programme gives participants direct exposure to Chinese business practices. Participants study China鈥檚 development from a starting point similar to Nigeria鈥檚, meet business owners, study companies, and tour trading hubs to observe deal-making firsthand.

Saidat also announced that the Women Entrepreneurship and Leadership for Africa programme (WELA) will run in Abuja for the first time, expanding beyond Lagos. Participants from the Federal Capital Territory and surrounding states will now attend classes there.

Nigeria Alumni President Omoyemi Chukwurah, an alumna of the Owner Director Programme (ODP) and WELA, said the new website gives members a permanent space for mentorship, collaboration, and business introductions.

By Suleyman A. Ndanusa

Nigeria鈥檚 development discourse has traditionally been framed around familiar objectives of economic growth, poverty reduction, employment generation, industrialization, infrastructure development, and, more recently, financial inclusion. These are important aspirations. Yet beneath them lies a more fundamental question that is seldom asked but may ultimately determine the success or failure of all the others.

Who owns the economy?

The answer to this question matters because prosperity is not determined solely by how much wealth a nation creates. It is equally determined by who owns that wealth. Economic growth can coexist with widespread poverty if ownership of productive assets remains concentrated. Conversely, even modest economic growth can produce broad based prosperity when ownership is widely distributed across society.

The true dividing line between inclusive and exclusive economies is therefore not simply income; it is ownership.

This distinction is particularly important for Nigeria. Over the past two decades, significant progress has been made in expanding access to financial services. Millions of Nigerians who were once excluded from the formal financial system now possess bank accounts, mobile wallets, payment cards, and access to digital financial services. The fintech revolution has transformed the economics of payments, transfers, savings, and financial access.

Yet financial inclusion and wealth inclusion are not the same thing.

A citizen may own a bank account without owning productive assets. A trader may use digital payment platforms every day without holding a single investment. A salary earner may save regularly without participating in the ownership of businesses, infrastructure, or capital markets. In such circumstances, financial inclusion improves convenience but does not necessarily create wealth.

The next frontier of national development must therefore move beyond financial inclusion toward ownership inclusion.

The challenge before policymakers is no longer simply how to bring more Nigerians into the financial system. It is how to bring more Nigerians into the ownership economy.

This distinction is more than semantic. It reflects a profound shift in development philosophy. For decades, economic policy has focused primarily on income generation. While income remains important, sustainable prosperity depends on asset accumulation. Income finances current consumption. Ownership creates future wealth.

The societies that have successfully built large and resilient middle classes have done so not merely by creating jobs but by expanding ownership. Home ownership, pension assets, mutual funds, employee share ownership schemes, investment clubs, cooperative enterprises, and retail participation in capital markets have historically served as the foundations upon which broad based prosperity was built.

The rise of the middle class in many advanced economies was not driven solely by rising wages. It was driven by rising ownership.

This insight carries important implications for Nigeria.

If economic development is to become genuinely inclusive, ownership must become a deliberate national objective rather than an incidental by product of growth. The country requires what may be described as a National Ownership Strategy, a coordinated framework designed to expand citizen participation in the ownership of productive assets.

Such a strategy should begin with universal investment participation.

The objective should be simple but transformative. Every Nigerian should have a realistic pathway to becoming an investor.

This does not imply that every citizen must become a stock market expert or a sophisticated portfolio manager. Rather, it means creating simple, accessible, and affordable mechanisms through which ordinary households can acquire stakes in productive assets. Whether through equities, mutual funds, pension products, infrastructure funds, exchange traded funds, cooperative investments, or other vehicles, the principle remains the same. Economic growth should create opportunities for ownership.

Technology has made this objective more achievable than ever before.

The first generation of fintech innovation democratized payments. The second democratized savings. The third has the potential to democratize ownership.

Digital platforms now enable fractional investing, automated contributions, portfolio transparency, financial education, and access to diversified investment opportunities at unprecedented scale. The barriers that once restricted investing to affluent households are rapidly disappearing.

A young graduate in Kano can invest through a mobile device. A teacher in Minna can participate in a diversified investment fund with modest periodic contributions. A trader in Lagos can build an investment portfolio without ever entering a stockbroking office. A farmer in Kebbi can acquire exposure to investment opportunities that would previously have been inaccessible.

Technology is reducing the minimum scale of participation in wealth creation.

This transformation creates an important role for investment clubs and community based investing.

Historically, Nigerians have demonstrated remarkable capacity for collective savings through cooperatives, thrift societies, rotating savings schemes, and community associations. These institutions have long provided mechanisms for mutual support and capital mobilization. The challenge now is to evolve from collective saving to collective investing.

Investment clubs can become the grassroots institutions of a national ownership movement. They combine financial literacy, social trust, savings discipline, and collective investment. They transform investing from an intimidating technical exercise into a community experience. Most importantly, they cultivate a culture of ownership.

Every successful investment club creates more than a portfolio. It creates investors.

Every member becomes a participant in capital formation.

Every contribution becomes a step toward wealth accumulation.

Beyond community ownership lies another critical frontier: employee ownership.

Many Nigerian workers contribute significantly to the creation of corporate value without participating meaningfully in the wealth generated by the enterprises they help build. This represents a missed opportunity for both businesses and society. Employee share ownership schemes can align the interests of labour and capital while providing workers with an avenue for long term wealth accumulation.

Similarly, infrastructure ownership deserves greater attention within national development policy.

Nigeria鈥檚 infrastructure deficit remains one of the most significant constraints on economic growth. Yet infrastructure should not be viewed solely as a public expenditure challenge. It should also be viewed as an ownership opportunity.

Power plants, transport systems, logistics networks, digital infrastructure, ports, railways, and utilities generate long term economic value. Through innovative investment structures, citizens can participate directly in financing and owning these assets. Such arrangements would deepen domestic capital formation while simultaneously broadening participation in national development.

Citizens would become more than users of infrastructure. They would become owners of it.

The broader objective is to build an ownership ecosystem.

Ownership creation cannot be delegated to a single institution. It requires orchestration across multiple actors.

Government must provide strategic direction and enabling policies. Regulators must ensure investor protection and market integrity. Capital markets must provide access and liquidity. Pension funds must mobilize long term savings. Financial institutions must expand participation channels. Fintech firms must lower barriers to entry. Educational institutions must promote financial literacy. Community organizations must mobilize grassroots participation.

Each actor plays a different role, but all contribute to the same outcome: expanding ownership.

This is why ownership should be viewed not merely as a financial objective but as a development objective.

A society of consumers generates demand.

A society of workers generates output.

A society of entrepreneurs generates innovation.

But a society of owners generates enduring prosperity.

Ownership changes the relationship between citizens and the economy. It creates alignment between personal aspirations and national progress. It strengthens economic resilience. It promotes long term thinking. It deepens social cohesion. It transforms growth from an abstract macroeconomic indicator into a tangible personal reality.

Ultimately, the success of a nation should not be measured solely by the size of its economy but by the breadth of participation in its prosperity.

For too long, development has been discussed primarily in terms of production and distribution.

The time has come to place ownership at the centre of the conversation.

Nigeria鈥檚 next economic transformation should not be defined merely by the expansion of financial services, the growth of digital transactions, or even the increase in national output. It should be defined by the expansion of ownership.

The most important question for the next generation of economic policy may therefore be remarkably simple:

How many Nigerians own a stake in the nation鈥檚 future?

The answer to that question may determine whether economic growth becomes a statistic or a shared national experience.

The future belongs not merely to nations that create wealth.
It belongs to nations that create owners.
In the words of the Chairman, Heirs Insurance, Tony Elumelu, we must work towards democratizing prosperity.

*Suleyman A. Ndanusa is Chairman, Heirs Insurance Board Governance Committee & past DG/Chairman, Securities and Exchange Commission.

SA 鈭� A = S = B
South Africa 鈭� Africa = South = Basement
An Open Letter to President Cyril Ramaphosa

By Tim Akano

Founder, One Africa Initiatives & One Africa Academy
Lagos, Nigeria | June 28, 2026

Your Excellency, President Cyril Ramaphosa,

My mathematical truth says it all: South Africa (SA) 鈭� Africa (A) = South (S) = Basement (B). SA 鈭� A = S = B.

I write to you with a burning urgency that will not wait for diplomatic courtesy, because Africa itself cannot wait. The June 30 deadline 鈥� conjured by mob arithmetic and street vigilantism 鈥� is hours from detonation. Thousands of Nigerians, Congolese, Zimbabweans, Malawians, Mozambicans and Ghanaians are huddled in makeshift camps, boarding evacuation flights, and fleeing a country whose very name declares them family.
I have written on this wound before. My earlier essay on xenophobia reached your distinguished predecessor, President Thabo Mbeki, who responded publicly with the clarity of a statesman 鈥� correctly situating South Africa’s unemployment crisis where it rightly belongs: in the unresolved, but resolvable, structural ruins of an apartheid infrastructure built of steel-fibre-reinforced concrete, and not in the tired bodies of African migrants who came seeking dignity, not charity. That President Mbeki came down from the fence and spoke as an African statesman is commendable. That we are here again, worse than before, is a tragedy that must end with your voice, Your Excellency. This is not the time to sit on the fence.
But I do not come to you today merely with a political argument. I come with a mathematical truth so simple, so devastating, that I am astonished it has not been shouted from every pulpit and parliament on this continent.
Remove Africa from South Africa, and what remains?
South.
Just South. A compass direction. A void. A word that points only downward 鈥� to the bottom, to the basement, to the abyss. South Africa is the only nation on earth that carries the name of the entire continent as its surname. That is not an accident of cartography. That is a covenant. When the architects of your nationhood chose that name, they were making a declaration to history: this nation belongs to Africa, and Africa belongs to this nation. To now violently expel Africans from South Africa is to commit an act of self-erasure so profound it borders on civilisational suicide. You cannot hold Africa in your name while hunting Africans in your streets.
Your Excellency, consider what Africa has given South Africa that no IMF spreadsheet can fully capture. It was African solidarity that kept the ANC alive during the darkest decades of apartheid. It was African soil that sheltered your freedom fighters when their own soil was poisoned by Pretoria’s oppression. It was African bodies that formed the human shield between apartheid’s guns and the dream of a free South Africa. Oliver Tambo did not find sanctuary in London alone. He was carried by Africa. Nelson Mandela’s cause was championed not only in the West 鈥� it was nurtured and amplified across this continent’s capitals, churches, and conscience. To forget this is not merely ingratitude. It is amnesia of a criminal kind.
I have watched the videos of thousands of Africans now stranded in South Africa as armed vigilante groups threaten fire and brimstone from June 30. More than 3,000 Malawians 鈥� including hundreds of children 鈥� are sheltering in open fields in Durban. Thousands of Nigerians are stranded at the embassy, bereft of food and hope. Ghana and Mozambique are rushing aircraft to evacuate their terrified citizens. The world that came to watch football in your stadiums is watching something else entirely 鈥� and what it sees is not rainbow nation. It sees a nation at war with its own name.
President Ramaphosa, you have the power today 鈥� not tomorrow, not after June 30, but today 鈥� to issue a presidential directive that declares unambiguously: Africans are safe in South Africa. Period. Not documented Africans only. Not Africans with papers only. Africans. Because the Africa in your name does not carry an asterisk.
The root causes of South Africa’s pain 鈥� inequality, poor governance, the unfinished business of post-apartheid economic transformation 鈥� are real. But directing that pain at migrants who have nothing is not justice. It is scapegoating. It is the weaponisation of poverty against poverty. A carpenter from Malawi did not cause South Africa’s 60% youth unemployment. A Congolese trader did not design apartheid’s land dispossession. A Nigerian teacher did not choose for minerals to flow out of Africa while prosperity flows in the opposite direction. These are victims blaming victims while the architects of the original crime watch in comfort.
Your Excellency, history is writing its ledger in real time. It will record what you said 鈥� and what you did not say 鈥� in these critical hours. It will note whether the President of South Africa stood up for the Africa in his country’s name, or looked away while that name was hollowed out by hatred.
South Africa minus Africa is just South. And South, Mr. President, means only one thing: Basement.
Choose Africa. Choose your full name. Choose your future.
The continent is watching. History is waiting. Africa is calling.
Way Forward: Seven Bold Solutions For South Africa’s Sustainable Transformation

1. Mandatory Equity 鈥� Own Together or Own Zero
   Legislate that any white-owned commercial farm above 500 hectares must, within five years, bring in a Black co-ownership structure with a minimum 40% equity stake 鈥� funded through a state-backed Land Equity Bank. My model 鈥� SA 4 ALL FARMING 鈥� transfers ownership, capital, skill, and dignity in one instrument, without a single farm abandoned or a single harvest lost. Transferring land without transferring capital, knowledge, and networks is not reform. It is theatre.
2. National Skills-For-Land (NS4L) 鈥� Sweat Equity at Scale
   Unemployed Black South African youth earn land title through documented agricultural or construction labour on state-acquired land 鈥� not handouts, but earned ownership. Two years of certified service on a communal agri-enterprise earns a transferable, inheritable title deed. NS4L converts the unemployment crisis into a land reform engine simultaneously.
3. Silicon Savannah 鈥� One Million ICT Jobs in Nine Months
   Within nine months of targeted, structured knowledge transfer in AI, cloud computing, cybersecurity, and data science, South Africa can create one million quality technology jobs. Designate a tax-free Special Innovation Zone between Johannesburg and Pretoria. Embed AI and coding academies inside historically Black universities 鈥� UNISA, Walter Sisulu, Fort Hare. Make South Africa the technology capital of Africa, not the deportation capital.
4. The Apartheid Reparations Wealth Fund 鈥� History Must Pay Its Debt
   Every company incorporated before 1994 that benefited from apartheid labour pays a 2.5% levy on gross annual turnover into a new sovereign institution 鈥� the Black Wealth Transfer Bank (BWTB) 鈥� for twenty years only. Do not punish individual white citizens. Pursue the mining houses, agricultural conglomerates, and financial groups that built their balance sheets on underpaid Black labour. Make history settle its own debt.
5. Ubuntu Blockchain Urban Land Compact 鈥� Unlock the Invisible Billions
   More than 60% of South Africa’s population hold land that is undocumented and therefore commercially useless as collateral. Place all informal and communal land on a national blockchain registry 鈥� transparent, tamper-proof, and legally binding. When a mother in Soweto can borrow against her registered home to start a business, economic liberation becomes real and immediate. This single measure unlocks billions of dollars of trapped Black wealth.
6. Leverage AfCFTA 鈥� Make Africa Your Market, Not Your Enemy
   Every Black South African youth entrepreneur who employs at least five South African youth receives automatic preferential access to all 54 African markets. South Africa currently treats Africa as a pond 鈥� small, crowded, and threatening. AfCFTA turns that pond into an ocean. Position South African youth as the merchants of a continent. The Africa in South Africa’s name must become an economic strategy, not just a geographic footnote.
7. Stop The Beheading 鈥� Peculiar Problems Demand Peculiar Solutions
   Beheading is not an antidote to headaches. South Africa’s problem is not too many Africans 鈥� it is too little Africa in its economic imagination. Your Excellency, issue the directive. Protect every African on South African soil. And then do the harder, braver work: fix the economy so that no South African ever again needs a scapegoat to survive.
   “South Africa’s problem is not too many Africans. It is too little Africa in its economic imagination.”
   鈥� Tim Akano

*Tim Akano is a Pan-African institution builder, public intellectual, and Geopolitical Risks Analyst. Founder/CEO, New Horizons Africa Group. Founder, One Africa Initiatives (54 countries). Founder, One Africa Academy. Founder, Almajiri-to-Tech Foundation. Lagos, Nigeria.
www.timakano.com
timakano1@gmail.com

Former President of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), Rev. Dr. Supo Ayokunle, has congratulated former presidential spokesman and host of Inside Sources on Channels Television, Laolu Akande, on his receipt of the 2026 Voice of Truth Award presented by the Save Nigeria Coalition USA.

In a congratulatory message, Ayokunle described the honour as a fitting recognition of Akande’s longstanding commitment to truth, integrity and principled public engagement.

“Congratulations on your conferment with the ‘Voice of Truth Award.’ This award is not a fluke; it is a well-deserved recognition of who you are,” Ayokunle said in a statement.

He encouraged the veteran journalist to remain steadfast in speaking truth to power and prayed for God’s continued protection and guidance over his life and ministry.

“Keep on being your best for our generation. The Spirit of Christ in you shall continue to cause you to excel in Jesus’ name. Courageously continue to speak truth to powers. The Lord will continue to watch over you and no weapon fashioned against you shall prosper,” he added.

Akande received the award earlier this week at a ceremony held at the Hilton Capitol Hill in Washington, D.C., where he reflected on his role in the advocacy campaign that culminated in the United States designating Boko Haram as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO).

In a post on his X (formerly Twitter) account after the event, Akande expressed gratitude for the recognition and recalled how the Christian Association of Nigerian-Americans (CANAN), where he served as the inaugural Executive Director about 14 years ago, spearheaded the advocacy that influenced the US government’s decision.

“It is a delight to receive the 2026 Voice of Truth Award of the Save Nigeria Coalition USA earlier this week at the Hilton Capitol Hill at an impressive event attended by Pastor E.A. Adeboye who was also recognised with the Patriarch of Faith Award,” Akande wrote.

He noted that the event also honoured the General Overseer of the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG), Pastor Enoch Adejare Adeboye, who received the Patriarch of Faith Award and was described during the citation as “the most compelling Nigerian gift to the world.”

Akande further disclosed that former United States President Donald Trump was also recognised in absentia by the coalition.

The Save Nigeria Coalition USA is led by Stephen Osemwegie and comprises several Nigerian-American organisations, including CANAN.

Recalling one of the coalition’s most significant advocacy efforts, Akande said CANAN served as the platform through which Nigerian Christians in the diaspora successfully lobbied the United States government to designate Boko Haram as a Foreign Terrorist Organization.

“President Donald Trump was also recognised in absentia by the Coalition which is led by Stephen Osemwegie and includes the Christian Association of Nigerian-Americans (CANAN), of which I was the inaugural Executive Director 14 years ago,” he said.

“By the way, CANAN was the platform we used then in 2012 to secure the designation of Boko Haram as a Foreign Terrorist Organization by the US Government.”

The US designation of Boko Haram as a Foreign Terrorist Organization marked a turning point in international counterterrorism efforts against the insurgent group. It enabled broader financial sanctions, enhanced intelligence sharing, and strengthened international cooperation aimed at disrupting the group’s financing, recruitment and operational capabilities.

Since launching its insurgency in northeastern Nigeria in 2009, Boko Haram has been responsible for thousands of deaths, the displacement of millions of people, and widespread destruction across Nigeria and neighbouring countries in the Lake Chad Basin. The group later splintered, with one faction becoming the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP).

Speaking during the award presentation, President of Save Nigeria Coalition USA, Stephen Osemwegie, commended Akande for his unwavering commitment to truth, journalism and public advocacy.

“Congratulations to Laolu. His show is one of the most watched in Nigeria, and even those of us in the diaspora follow him,” Osemwegie said.

He particularly praised Akande’s consistent attention to issues of religious freedom and the persecution of Christians, describing him as someone willing to address subjects many others avoid.

“He stays on this issue of religious freedom鈥攚hat is happening to Christians. And where others don’t want to go, he does go there. Congratulations, Pastor Laolu,” Osemwegie added.

Akande, who served as Senior Special Assistant on Media and Publicity to former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo between 2015 and 2023, has remained actively engaged in national discourse through his weekly current affairs programme, Inside Sources, on Channels Television.

The Voice of Truth Award recognises individuals who have demonstrated exceptional commitment to truth, ethical leadership, public advocacy and the defence of democratic values. According to the organisers, this year’s recipients were selected for their contributions to justice, religious freedom, leadership and public service in Nigeria and across the Nigerian diaspora.

A N100 million defamation judgment against the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) has escalated into a major battle over freedom of expression and civic activism in Nigeria, drawing sharp reactions from more than 50 civil society organisations, Amnesty International, senior lawyers and human rights advocates. As SERAP heads to the Court of Appeal, the case is increasingly being viewed as a defining test of the balance between reputational rights, public interest advocacy and the shrinking space for civic engagement in the country. Chiemelie Ezeobi reports 

What began as a defamation suit between two Department of State Services (DSS) officials and the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) has rapidly evolved into one of the most consequential debates about civic space, freedom of expression and public interest advocacy in Nigeria in recent years.

The N100 million judgment awarded against SERAP by the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, has triggered strong reactions across the human rights community, with more than 50 civil society organisations, Amnesty International, senior lawyers and democracy advocates warning that the ruling could have far reaching implications for anti corruption campaigns, investigative reporting and the ability of civic groups to hold public institutions accountable.

At the centre of the controversy is a judgment delivered by Justice Yusuf Halilu, which ordered SERAP to pay N100 million in damages to DSS officials Sarah John and Gabriel Ogundele for defamation. 

The court also directed the organisation to publish public apologies, pay N1 million as litigation costs and continue to incur 10 per cent annual post judgment interest until the damages are fully paid.

While the judgment represented a legal victory for the DSS officials, many within Nigeria鈥檚 civil society community view the case as much more than a dispute over defamation.

 For them, it has become a test of how far advocacy organisations can go in scrutinising state institutions without facing potentially crippling legal consequences.

The controversy stems from publications made by SERAP on September 9, 2024, in which the organisation alleged that DSS operatives visited its Abuja office without prior notice and questioned members of staff. SERAP expressed concern that the visit amounted to intimidation and harassment, particularly in light of its work on corruption and governance issues.

Two officials involved in the visit, Sarah John and Gabriel Ogundele, subsequently instituted a defamation action in their personal capacities, arguing that the publications falsely portrayed them and damaged their reputations.

Coalition of Civil Society Groups Rallies Behind SERAP

The strongest collective response came from a coalition of more than 50 civil society organisations, including Amnesty International Nigeria, ActionAid Nigeria, BudgIT Foundation, Centre for Democracy and Development, Media Rights Agenda and Yiaga Africa.

In a joint statement, the organisations expressed concern about what they described as the wider implications of the judgment for organisations engaged in public accountability and anti corruption work.

The coalition said: 鈥淒emocratic societies depend on the ability of civil society organisations to question authority, scrutinise public institutions, and engage in robust public-interest advocacy without fear of disproportionate retaliation.”

The groups called for respect for constitutional and international human rights protections guaranteeing fair hearing, freedom of expression and access to justice.

They also urged greater institutional restraint in public commentary on judicial matters where court records are not publicly available and called for the protection of civic space and public interest advocacy from intimidation, harassment or misuse of legal processes.

For many observers, the statement reflected growing concerns that the case could set an important precedent for how advocacy groups interact with powerful state institutions.

Amnesty Raises Alarm Over Wider Implications

Among the most forceful reactions came from Amnesty International, which described the judgment as deeply troubling and warned that it could have a chilling effect on civil society organisations, journalists and human rights defenders.

The organisation argued that the ruling raises concerns regarding Nigeria鈥檚 obligations under both constitutional protections and international human rights standards.

Amnesty also warned against the growing use of Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPPs), legal actions often criticised for discouraging criticism and suppressing public interest advocacy.

It said: 鈥淣igerian authorities must quash the judgment and end judicial harassment against SERAP and other civil society organisations in the country.鈥�

Amnesty International further urged authorities to refrain from using defamation laws and civil litigation to suppress legitimate criticism and public interest advocacy.

The organisation called on security agencies, including the DSS, to operate strictly within the law and respect human rights, while urging authorities to protect journalists, human rights defenders and civil society groups from harassment, intimidation and reprisals.

Human Rights Community Divided

The judgment has also exposed divisions within Nigeria鈥檚 human rights movement.

The Committee for the Defence of Human Rights (CDHR), through a statement attributed to its President and Board Secretary, Debo Adeniran, and National Publicity Secretary, Jeremiah Onyibe, urged SERAP to comply with the court鈥檚 orders, arguing that democracy depends on respect for judicial decisions and that freedom of expression must be exercised responsibly.

According to the group, advocacy organisations are not exempt from accountability when courts determine that their conduct violates the rights of others.

However, the intervention immediately sparked controversy as another faction of CDHR publicly disowned the statement. Led by National President Yinka Folarin and General Secretary Idris Olayinka, the faction insisted that the statement did not represent the organisation鈥檚 official position and affirmed SERAP鈥檚 constitutional right to challenge the judgment.

The group stated: 鈥淎ny attempt to portray SERAP鈥檚 exercise of its constitutional right of appeal as contemptuous, unlawful, or irresponsible is misleading, legally defective, and contrary to democratic norms.

鈥淭he CDHR therefore stands firmly by the clarification and principled position already expressed by the Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the organisation, Femi Falana SAN, affirming that SERAP鈥檚 right of appeal subsists and must be respected by all parties.

鈥淲e also consider it necessary to caution the broader human rights movement to be wary of characters and tendencies working against our collective principles, solidarity, and shared ideological commitments.鈥�

Falana, Akinnola Defend Right of Appeal

Human rights lawyer Femi Falana (SAN) rejected suggestions that SERAP should immediately comply with the judgment while pursuing an appeal.

He said: 鈥淐ontrary to your curious position, filing an appeal against the judgment of the court of first instance does not amount to disobedience of court orders.

“An aggrieved party has the unquestionable right to file an appeal against the judgment of a court.鈥�

Falana recalled the experience of the late Chief Gani Fawehinmi (SAN), who successfully overturned a major defamation judgment after initially losing at trial.

鈥淭he late Chief Gani Fawehinmi (SAN) never paid the N6 million damages.

“Gani repudiated the judgment and exercised his constitutional right of appeal, which he eventually won.鈥�

Veteran journalist and activist Richard Akinnola also questioned why some activists appeared eager to demand immediate compliance while the appellate process had barely begun.

The activist said: 鈥淚 would never endorse abuse of freedom of expression and allow people to be defamed.

鈥淗owever, when a judgment is given, and the aggrieved party has indicated interest to appeal because it fundamentally disagrees with the judgment, I would expect Debo鈥檚 faction and some characters who parade themselves as activists, to wait until the appeal is exhausted.

鈥淭heir insistence that SERAP must immediately comply with the judgment is highly suspicious and raises more questions about their intentions.鈥�

HURIWA Sees Threat To Civic Activism

The Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria (HURIWA) described the judgment as anti democratic and dangerous for freedom of expression.

According to the organisation, the ruling could discourage anti corruption activism, investigative journalism and public participation in governance.

HURIWA argued that the decision risked creating a climate of fear in which civil society organisations become reluctant to challenge powerful institutions.

The organisation also questioned the circumstances surrounding the DSS visit to SERAP鈥檚 office and demanded transparency regarding the funding and prosecution of the case, asking whether public resources were used in what was presented as a private defamation action involving two DSS operatives.

Describing the damages as excessive and vindictive, HURIWA said the verdict evoked memories of the military era under the late Gen. Sani Abacha and framed the case as part of a broader struggle over civic space and democratic accountability.

Odinkalu Launches Scathing Critique

Former Chairman of the National Human Rights Commission, Prof. Chidi Odinkalu, delivered perhaps the sharpest criticism of the judgment.

Questioning both the facts and legal reasoning underpinning the ruling, Odinkalu argued that the evidence did not support a defamation claim.

He stated: 鈥淭o call this judgment a travesty is to do injustice to travesties. The facts do not add up to a case in defamation.

鈥淭o the extent that anything was made out, even the evidence by the claimants supports the claim by SERAPNigeria that their office was invaded.

鈥淚t is, of course, possible that the judge did not study law or, perhaps, that the judge chose to invent something other than law in this case. But the judgment is corrupt and crooked on the face of the record.鈥�

SERAP Heads to Appeal Court

Amid the growing controversy, SERAP has formally approached the Court of Appeal seeking to overturn the judgment in its entirety.

Represented by Tayo Oyetibo (SAN), the organisation described the decision as 鈥渁 travesty and miscarriage of justice.鈥�

According to SERAP, the original suit was fundamentally defective because it was initially filed against 鈥淪ocio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project,鈥� which it argues is not a juristic person recognised by law.

The organisation further contends that the allegedly defamatory publications neither mentioned the DSS officials by name nor contained photographs, ranks or unique descriptors capable of identifying them.

SERAP also maintains that its publications were protected by the legal defences of justification, qualified privilege and fair comment because they addressed matters of public interest involving a state security agency.

SERAP said: 鈥淭he judgment is legally defective, procedurally flawed, and unsupported by evidence, raising substantial questions of jurisdiction, defamation law, and constitutional and international fair trial standards.鈥�

In its application for stay of execution, the organisation argued that immediate enforcement could undermine its ability to prosecute the appeal.

鈥淭he enforcement of the judgment would deprive SERAP of its constitutional right of appeal, as it would be unable to adequately finance the prosecution of its appeal to the Court of Appeal.

鈥淭he balance of convenience is in favour of the granting of this application and/or making of the injunctive order sought.鈥�

A Defining Test for Civic Rights

As the appeal process begins, the dispute has already moved far beyond the original allegations surrounding the DSS visit to SERAP鈥檚 office.

The appellate court is expected to examine critical questions involving jurisdiction, identification in defamation law, admissibility of evidence, public interest defences and the appropriateness of damages awarded against advocacy organisations.

Whatever the outcome, the case has become one of the most closely watched legal battles involving civic rights, freedom of expression and public accountability in Nigeria, with implications that could resonate far beyond the parties directly involved.

By Bashir Yusuf Ibrahim

Daniel Nduka Okonkwo’s June 27, 2026 article Monopoly, An Embattled IPO, and the Dangote Refinery presents itself as a work of investigative journalism. A careful reading reveals it to be something else: a curated assembly of allegations, framed questions, and atmospheric insinuations designed to cast doubt on Africa’s most consequential industrial project at the precise moment it approaches a historic capital market transaction. The article rehashes old and discredited narratives thrown at the refinery about monopoly, self-interest and so on and so absurdum, as if Nigeria did not have refineries before Dangote came along.

Okonkwo鈥檚 analysis, or what he passes on as one, is thin throughout. Its framing is consistently adversarial in ways that ignore documented evidence, omit contradicting facts, and mischaracterise regulatory events to serve a preordained conclusion.

This rebuttal addresses each substantive claim in the article, anchors every counterpoint in verifiable data, and then advances a broader argument that the author’s framing entirely fails to engage: that the Dangote Petroleum Refinery is not merely a private wealth vehicle but a sovereign-grade infrastructure asset operating at the frontier of Nigeria’s economic transformation and, increasingly, at the frontier of global energy markets.

Readers and editors should also note what the article does not disclose: the identity and interests of those who may have motivated its production. The piece was published as global investor interest in the Dangote IPO reached its peak, precisely as demand for the June 2026 private placement reportedly exceeded $2 billion. The timing is not incidental. The article sets out, deliberately, to introduce reputational friction at the moment it would be most financially damaging. That does not make every criticism illegitimate, but it makes the absence of rigorous evidence-based argumentation all the more glaring, to say the least.

Claim 1: The SEC intervention signals disorder in the IPO process

First of all, the SEC’s June 23, 2026 action had nothing to do with the Dangote Group. The commission’s notice was directed at third-party capital market operators who were running unauthorised pre-IPO campaigns on social media without the knowledge or authorisation of the refinery. The Dangote Petroleum Refinery itself publicly reiterated as early as March 2026 that it had not authorised any IPO-related marketing, and the company explicitly stated that any potential offering would be communicated only through formal regulatory channels.

The author attempts to read this regulatory action as a negative signal about the refinery itself. The exact opposite is true. The SEC’s swift, clean enforcement, requiring operators to remove all promotional materials and return all collected funds within 24 hours, is a demonstration of regulatory confidence in the offering’s ultimate legitimacy. Regulators do not enforce procedural compliance for transactions they expect to fail or disallow. They enforce it because they know the real offering is coming and they intend to manage it properly.

Furthermore, the Nigerian Exchange Group’s own CEO, Temi Popoola, described the anticipated listing as a “landmark moment” that would demonstrate Nigeria’s capacity to support “complex, globally significant transactions.” The SEC intervention was market hygiene. The article sets up a strawman by treating it as scandal. That, by itself, signals sabotage.

Claim 2: The NNPC monopoly lawsuit exposes a dangerous concentration of power

The author presents the NNPC counterclaim as settled truth. It is not. It is NNPC’s litigation position, advanced by a state company with its own powerful institutional and commercial interests in maintaining downstream market control.

The substantive legal question in Suit FHC/ABJ/CS/1324/2024 was whether the NMDPRA had authority to issue import licences in the absence of a verified product shortfall under Sections 317(8) and (9) of the Petroleum Industry Act. That is a statutory interpretation question, not a referendum on Dangote’s character or intent. The refinery’s position was that domestic production was sufficient to meet demand and that the licences therefore violated the PIA’s hierarchy of supply preference for domestic refining capacity. Whether or not that argument was ultimately correct, it was legally coherent and grounded in the text of Nigeria’s own petroleum legislation. To be honest, until it brings back its own refineries onstream, no one will take NNPCL seriously when it talks about monopoly.

The article then pivots to the withdrawal of the suit in July 2025 as evidence of weakness. This too is a misreading. The lawsuit was filed to establish a principle during a period when the refinery was ramping up to full capacity. By early 2026, the refinery had achieved 650,000 barrels per day (full nameplate capacity) and became the dominant determinant of fuel prices in Nigeria. The market resolved what the courtroom had been asked to decide. Withdrawing a lawsuit you no longer need is not a concession. It is strategy.

Okonkwo鈥檚 question, “what happens to projected revenues if the refinery cannot legally compel marketers to source locally?” assumes the refinery needs legal compulsion to compete. The evidence says otherwise. West African imports of refined petroleum products fell 23 percent in a single month between April and May 2026 as the Dangote refinery reached full capacity. Nigerian refined fuel imports had already declined 39 percent year-on-year by mid-2025. These are not the revenue metrics of a refinery losing a market competition battle. These are the metrics of a refinery that has won it.

Claim 3: Farouk Ahmed鈥檚 Resignation Suggests Regulatory Capture

The article raises the departure of former NMDPRA chief Farouk Ahmed as a sinister event without providing any evidence that Dangote caused or compelled it. Dangote’s public allegations against Ahmed regarding children in Swiss schools and lifestyle inconsistencies were serious but unrelated to the operational licensing dispute. The article acknowledges that Ahmed鈥檚 departure “remains contested” and then uses its very ambiguity to insinuate wrongdoing.

This is the article’s argumentative methodology in miniature: raise an unanswered question, attribute it atmospherically to Dangote, and treat the uncertainty as evidence of misconduct. Rigorous journalism requires more than this. The allegation that a Nigerian government official was living beyond his legitimate means is an allegation worthy of independent investigation. It is not, on its own, evidence that the refinery sought regulatory capture rather than regulatory fairness.

There is a competing interpretation that the article does not entertain: that a domestic refinery with $20 billion in invested capital, operating in full compliance with Nigeria’s Petroleum Industry Act, was entitled to object when a regulator issued licences to competitors in apparent violation of the statutory supply hierarchy. Describing that objection as an attempt to “monopolise” the market requires one to ignore the plain text of the PIA, a law that Nigeria’s National Assembly enacted precisely to establish priority for domestic refining.

Claim 4: The valuation is speculative and the IPO is financially fragile

The author raises the valuation not to analyse it but to set up a question about revenue risk. Yet the valuation range of $39 to $50 billion cited by the article itself is not a product of speculative enthusiasm. It is grounded in operational performance that the article conspicuously underweights.

Consider the performance record that underpins investor interest:

a. The refinery reached full nameplate capacity of 650,000 barrels per day in February 2026.

b. In April 2026, it became the world’s single largest exporter of aviation fuel, exporting 158,000 barrels per day, a 770 percent increase from the prior year, according to S&P Global Commodities at Sea data.

c. The facility can refine approximately 40 crude grades and is building toward 100-plus crude flexibility, comparable to Singapore’s Pulau Bukom, one of the world’s premier refining hubs.

d. S&P Global’s ratings upgrade for Nigeria cited the refinery’s expanded domestic refining capacity as a contributing factor.

e. The private placement completed in June 2026 at $0.35 per share drew demand reportedly exceeding $2 billion against $1 billion offered.

f. The Nigerian Exchange Group CEO confirmed the refinery is on track for a listing that would “roughly equal the value of all new listings combined on Nigeria’s exchange in 2025.”

g. Dangote has committed to dividends payable in US dollars 鈥� an investor protection that directly addresses the naira volatility concern that derailed earlier capital market opportunities for Nigerian retail investors.

The article frames the IPO as a high-risk, politically fraught event. The market data frames it as the most oversubscribed and institutionally validated capital market event in African history. These two framings cannot simultaneously be correct and investors know what to believe.

Claim 5: The refinery’s public support (NNPC stake, CBN forex) raises questions of proportionality

The author treats the State’s involvement in the refinery’s financing as a liability for Dangote, implying that public support creates ongoing obligations that Dangote may not be meeting. The more accurate analysis is the opposite: the public support was a rational sovereign bet on industrial policy that has already returned its initial thesis.

NNPC injected $1 billion for a 7.24 percent equity stake. At a $40 billion valuation, that stake is worth approximately $2.9 billion, nearly a threefold return of public capital before a single IPO share has been sold. The CBN’s foreign exchange allocations were made during a period of acute currency pressure because the refinery represented the single most credible mechanism for reducing Nigeria’s $10-20 billion annual fuel import bill. Those dollar-denominated imports were among the primary drivers of naira depreciation. The refinery’s existence directly addresses the structural driver of the currency crisis; the article implies the CBN’s support worsened it.

What the article presents as a “national bet” was, by any rational capital allocation standard, a bet that has already been substantially won. West African fuel import volumes have fallen structurally. Nigerian fuel import dependency has been reversed. The naira has benefited from reduced import pressure. S&P has upgraded Nigeria’s rating. These outcomes do not emerge from a project that is failing its national mandate.

The question of whether any private entity can “accumulate power that exceeds the capacity of any regulatory framework to govern” is legitimate. But it requires acknowledging three things the article ignores: first, that Nigeria has never lacked refineries. What Nigeria lacked was functioning refineries and Nigerians know who to hold responsible for that. Second, Dangote has repeatedly invited third-party investors and is now offering public ownership, the exact opposite of monopolistic entrenchment; and third, that the solution to concentrated industrial power in a sector is stronger regulation and more investment in competing infrastructure, not an attack on the institution that built what the government spent six decades promising and failing to deliver.

What Okonkwo鈥檚 Article Fails To Analyse:

Beyond the point-by-point rebuttals, the most significant failure of the Okonkwo article is its refusal to engage with the Dangote Refinery’s strategic positioning within the global energy architecture. This is not a domestic policy story. It is an African sovereign-capacity story with global implications.

For sixty years, Nigeria’s relationship with petroleum was one of structural subordination: the country produced crude, exported it, and then paid Western trading houses 鈥� Vitol, Trafigura, Gunvor 鈥� to return refined products at prices it could not control and in currencies it was perpetually short of. The fiscal cost was enormous. The reputational cost 鈥� an OPEC member unable to refine its own oil 鈥� was a source of national shame that informed decades of reform attempts, all of which failed.

The Dangote Refinery has not merely ended import dependency. It has inverted the country’s position in global refined product markets. In April 2026, when Middle Eastern supply chains were disrupted by geopolitical conflict around the Strait of Hormuz, it was the Dangote Refinery in Lekki that global airlines, trading houses, and national oil companies called. Vitol took Dangote petrol to the United States 鈥� the first Nigerian refined product to meet US motor fuel standards. South Africa entered long-term supply discussions. The UK and Netherlands received Dangote jet fuel cargoes. This is not the operational profile of a company whose primary purpose is domestic market monopolisation. This is the profile of a global energy infrastructure asset that happens to be Nigerian.

The article characterises Dangote’s expansion ambitions as personal legacy-building. The documented structure of those ambitions tells a more complex story. The planned expansion from 650,000 to 1.4 million barrels per day 鈥� to be partly funded by the IPO proceeds 鈥� would make the facility one of the largest refineries in the world, comparable to the Jamnagar complex in India. The planned new propane dehydrogenation plant, linear alkylbenzene facility, and diesel hydrotreater represent value-added processing that produces petrochemical feedstocks Nigeria currently imports. The planned pan-African multi-exchange listing 鈥� with discussions confirmed by the CEOs of both the Nigerian Exchange Group and the Nairobi Securities Exchange 鈥� is the first serious attempt to build an African-scale capital pool around an African industrial asset.

If this is legacy-building, it is legacy-building whose externalities are almost entirely beneficial to Nigeria and to the continent. The alternative 鈥� that Nigeria should have waited for a state-owned or internationally financed refinery that would somehow avoid the concentration-of-ownership problem the author raises 鈥� had already been tested for six decades and produced the four non-functioning NNPC refineries whose failure made the Dangote investment necessary.

The article never addresses what Dangote has actually done with its market position on pricing. The evidence is unambiguous. In 2025 alone, the refinery reduced gantry prices for petrol on at least eight separate occasions and raised them only twice, with each increase tied to documented global crude price movements. The refinery introduced a 30-day interest-free credit facility for Nigerian airline operators. It shifted aviation fuel sales from dollar to naira pricing to reduce pressure on Nigeria’s foreign exchange market. It cut jet fuel ex-depot prices from N1,750 to N1,550 per litre over consecutive adjustments. It committed N720 billion to deploy 4,000 CNG-powered trucks for nationwide fuel distribution 鈥� at no cost to marketers 鈥� to eliminate transport costs from the supply chain.

These are not the pricing behaviours of a monopolist seeking to extract maximum rent from a captive market. They are the pricing behaviours of an industrial operator with the scale, margin, and strategic vision to invest in market development for long-term dominance. The distinction matters. Monopoly pricing extracts. Infrastructure pricing at scale builds. Dangote has consistently chosen the second path 鈥� and the downstream impact on Nigerian inflation, logistics costs, and airline viability has been materially positive.

The article’s investor-protection framing 鈥� concern for “ordinary Nigerians” who might be misled by fraudulent promoters 鈥� is legitimate as far as it goes. But it stops precisely at the point where the analysis becomes interesting. Meristem Securities has reported a fivefold increase in new trading account openings this year, driven almost entirely by Nigerians seeking to participate in the Dangote IPO. MTN Nigeria’s 2019 listing added approximately N1.83 trillion to stock market capitalisation. The Dangote listing, at $40 billion, would add multiples of that.

For a generation of Nigerians who watched the fuel import economy transfer wealth from the naira to European trading houses, the opportunity to own equity in the refinery that ended that transfer is not merely a financial transaction. It is a claim on the industrial future of their country. The article treats the investor enthusiasm as evidence of a speculative bubble to be managed. A more generous and more accurate reading is that it represents something Nigeria has rarely generated: genuine, organic, retail investor demand for a domestic industrial asset.

Conclusion

The Okonkwo article closes with what it presents as a generous gesture: “That question does not have a simple answer. But it is the right question to ask.” The question being asked of whether the refinery serves the national interest proportional to the public support it received is indeed worth asking. The analysis provided in the article is not remotely proportional to the question’s importance.

The right questions, properly framed, are these:

Has the refinery delivered on its core mandate of ending Nigeria’s fuel import dependency? Yes. West African fuel imports have fallen structurally. Nigeria now has domestic refining capacity that covers 100 percent of national demand with surplus for export.

Has the public capital invested in the refinery generated returns for the national balance sheet? Yes. NNPC’s $1 billion stake is now worth approximately $2.9 billion at current valuations. The naira has benefited from reduced import pressure. S&P has upgraded Nigeria’s sovereign rating.

Is the refinery exercising market power in ways harmful to Nigerian consumers? The pricing record says no. Eight price reductions in 2025. Interest-free credit for airlines. Naira-denominated fuel sales. A N720 billion logistics investment to absorb distribution costs.

Does the IPO represent a genuine wealth-sharing opportunity for Nigerians? The evidence of $2 billion in private placement demand, fivefold growth in new brokerage accounts, and USD-denominated dividend commitment says yes.

Are there legitimate regulatory questions about concentration of power that deserve continued scrutiny? Absolutely, and they should be pursued through the proper mechanisms of competition policy, regulatory oversight, and statutory enforcement, not through poorly evidenced newspaper campaigns timed to coincide with capital market transactions.

The Dangote Petroleum Refinery is not above scrutiny. No institution of its size and influence in Nigeria’s economy should be. But scrutiny requires evidence, analytical honesty, and a willingness to weigh costs against benefits rather than treating every fact in evidence as either positive when it supports the narrative or irrelevant when it does not.

By that standard, the Okonkwo article does not constitute serious analysis of a serious subject. It constitutes a reputational exercise dressed in the language of accountability journalism. Nigeria’s capital markets, its energy sector, and the millions of Nigerians who will decide whether to invest their savings in this offering deserve better.

Bashir Yusuf Ibrahim is a Policy Consultant. He can be reached at bashir.ibrahim@post.harvard.edu

Chiemelie Ezeobi 

As part of the launch of a sustained crackdown on violent crime along the Lagos Ogun corridor, Operation K贸s脿y猫, a major joint security offensive across Lagos and Ogun states, at the weekend arrested 92 suspected criminals, rescued five kidnap victims, killed four suspected kidnappers and dismantled criminal camps hidden inside the Iperu Forest.

The coordinated operation, undertaken by the Ogun and Lagos State Police Commands, also led to the recovery of AK-47 rifles, pump action guns, locally made pistols, ammunition, mobile phones and other communication gadgets.

Launching the operation at the Police Training College, Iperu Remo, Ogun State Commissioner of Police, Bode Ojajuni, said Operation K贸s脿y猫, a Yoruba expression meaning “there is no hiding place”, was initiated by the Inspector General of Police, IGP Olatunji Disu, to flush kidnappers, armed robbers and other violent criminals out of forests and border communities linking both states.

He said the operation covers communities stretching from Kara and the Long Bridge through Sagamu, Ogere and Ijebu Ode to adjoining border communities in Ikorodu and Epe.

“Operation K贸s脿y猫 is designed to reclaim our forests, dismantle criminal camps and restore security across communities stretching from Kara and the Long Bridge through Sagamu, Ogere and Ijebu Ode to adjoining border communities in Ikorodu and Epe.

“Identified flashpoints have been cleared. Illegal shanties used by criminals have been dismantled, while several suspects have been arrested.

“We are here to reassure residents and dispel the fear and rumours deliberately being spread by kidnappers. As I speak to you, there is no Nigerian currently being held captive by kidnappers in either Lagos or Ogun State.

“You will recall the recent kidnapping incident along the Ijebu Ode corridor. Acting on the directive of the Inspector General of Police, operatives of Operation K贸s脿y猫 moved into the forest and successfully rescued all five victims. They are here with us today.

“During that operation, four kidnappers were neutralised and another four arrested. In addition, 84 other criminal suspects were apprehended in separate operations during the forest clearance across Lagos and Ogun states.

“As I speak, there is no known victim currently being held in captivity within the operational areas covered by this exercise.”

Ojajuni urged residents to continue supporting the police with credible intelligence, particularly information on kidnappers and persons receiving treatment for gunshot wounds.

Lagos State Commissioner of Police, Fatai Tijani, said the operation had already yielded significant results with the destruction of criminal camps concealed in forests along the Lagos Ogun border, where criminal gangs had established bases to launch attacks on motorists and residents.

“This is not a one off operation. It is a continuous exercise that will be sustained until criminal elements are completely denied access to these forests,” he said, adding that drones and other intelligence gathering technology had been deployed to support the operation.

Tijani attributed the early success of the exercise to the leadership of the Inspector General of Police and the support of Lagos State Governor Babajide Sanwo Olu and Ogun State Governor Dapo Abiodun for providing logistics.

“The results speak for themselves. You have seen the rescued victims, the suspects arrested and the weapons recovered. This is a coordinated effort aimed at tackling insecurity,” he said, adding that the strategy could serve as a model for combating crime in other parts of the country.

Among the operation’s earliest successes was the rescue of five travellers abducted on Friday along the Ijebu Ode Benin Expressway. Police said the victims were freed less than 24 hours after they were taken into the forest, while four members of the kidnapping gang were killed during a gun battle while another suspect escaped with gunshot wounds.

Recounting her ordeal, one of the rescued victims, Pharmacist Nsofor Amachi said she was returning from Oraifite, Anambra State, after attending her father’s burial when gunmen attacked their vehicle near Ogbere.

She said her widowed mother was shot in the hand, while her injured mother and elder sister escaped. She and one of her aunts, however, were abducted and marched into the forest.

“They demanded N70 million but later reduced it to N20 million. There were five of them and they were Fulanis. I was confused and hopeless. We slept in the open without food or water.

“On the day we were rescued, we heard sporadic gunshots. We thought the kidnappers had returned. We all lay on the ground.

“We later discovered the gunshots were from police officers. I am grateful to God for the prompt intervention, and I will forever remain grateful to the Nigeria Police.”

Another victim, Temi Faith, said the gunmen ambushed their vehicle at about 4 p.m. on Friday before forcing the occupants deep into the forest.

“They collected our phones and the cash with us. I sustained injuries during the attack. I had already given up hope. I prayed what I believed would be my last prayer. Suddenly, we heard gunshots. The kidnappers fled and a policeman came to us, saying, ‘It’s the Nigeria Police. Come out.’ They saved our lives, treated my injuries and ensured we were safe,” she said.

Jimoh Gbadamosi, another rescued victim, said the attackers intercepted several vehicles around Ogbere, shooting sporadically before abducting five people from three vehicles.

He commended the police for the rescue and urged the Federal Government to provide security agencies with more sophisticated weapons and establish permanent security posts along the Ijebu Ode Benin Expressway.

The survivors also appealed for the return of police checkpoints along the Ijebu Ode Benin Expressway and called on the federal government to clear the thick vegetation along the highway to improve visibility and enhance security.

Edward Gabkwet

South Africa鈥檚 recurring xenophobic tendencies and Robert Ludlum鈥檚 satirical novel, The Road to Gandolfo, where an eccentric retired General plots to kidnap the Pope for an impractical $1 ransom from each Catholic in the world, share a central premise of weaponized redirection. For more than two decades, South Africa has had to reckon with repeated outbreaks of anti-immigrant violence targeting mainly migrants and refugees from neighbouring nations and other parts of Africa, including Nigeria. 

It is a fact that at the end of apartheid in 1994, South Africa became a major destination for migrants seeking greener pastures, just as it also struggled with soaring unemployment and inequality with much of its wealth, land and flourishing businesses concentrated in the hands of a white minority.

This situation remains unchanged as at today with a recent World Bank Report revealing that the richest 10% of South Africans, who are predominately white, still own over 87% of the country’s wealth.

Similarly, a study of black ownership on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange revealed that black South Africans remain insignificant shareholders with only 23% of the shares traded on the Exchange.

For the avoidance of doubt, migrants worldwide are frequently portrayed as scapegoats for deeper structural problems, ranging from inequality and corruption to weak economic growth and state failures.

In South Africa, however, this scapegoating or weaponized redirection has overwhelmingly targeted Black and African migrants, who make up about 65% of South Africa’s estimated 3 million foreign residents.

Tensions around immigration have remained high, particularly against the backdrop of South Africa’s escalating economic crisis and high unemployment rate which stands at nearly 36%, while youth unemployment hovers around 55%, making it one of the highest worldwide and second to Djibouti. 

Many observers warn that the country’s problem with xenophobic violence has become cyclical, resurfacing whenever economic or political pressures intensify and revealing how quickly hardship can be turned into hatred and hostility.

The most recent xenophobic tendencies by South Africans, which reared its head in early 2026, is still in effect and has seen several countries, including Nigeria, evacuate their citizens due to the widespread nature of hatred and violence against black African migrants.

More worrisome is that grassroots鈥� movements led by local semi-illiterate and ethnic jingoists have illegally taken immigration law enforcement into their hands, targeting not only undocumented migrants but also legal residents and refugees, with little or no convincing rebuffs or arrests by the police or the South African Government.

In Road to Gandolfo, Robert Ludlum deviated from his signature gritty espionage thrillers to an absurdist satire. Here, the story centres around a legendry war hero, General MacKenzie Hawkins, whose biopic was sold to Hollywood but later accused of defacing a historic monument in China鈥檚 Forbidden City.

Under house arrest in Beijing and with a pending case in Washington, this looks like the end of the road for MacKenzie. Out of nowhere, Mackenzie came up with a sort of weaponized redirection to instead kidnap Pope Francesco and hold him captive for an impracticable ransom of $400 million to be paid by Catholics worldwide. Certainly, this absurdity epitomizes a potent metaphor for the xenophobic tendencies of South Africa. 

The ransom scheme by the troubled General Mackenzie, for instance, is an entirely impractical gimmick, just as the assumption that the eradication of foreign nationals will solve post-apartheid South Africa’s systemic poverty and high unemployment. Also, the plot to kidnap the ultimate symbol of global Catholicism represents misguided aggression directed at the wrong entity.

Xenophobic groups in South Africa frequently direct their anger at vulnerable, localized foreign merchants or undocumented workers from other African Countries, rather than focusing on the root issues of government policy or corporate inequality.

Additionally, in both the Road to Gandolfo and the real-world South African crisis, the overarching theme is the profound chaos and collateral damage created by misdirected actions. 

Anti-migrant violence fundamentally damages South Africa’s post-apartheid promise of a non-racial, inclusive democracy. Furthermore, it creates massive continental diplomatic friction, prompting nations like Nigeria, Ghana, Malawi, Mozambique and Zimbabwe to repatriate many of their citizens.

It is commendable that these countries have also strongly criticized the passiveness of South African security agencies amidst the obvious breakdown of law and order and the impunity with which the demonstrators are behaving.

But beyond the rhetorics, South Africa must be called out to account for these atrocities and be compelled to pay compensations to the victims of this unwarranted weaponized redirection.

*Gabkwet, a former NAF Spokesperson, wrote from Abuja. 

By Dupe Olusola

Every era produces a different class of heroes.

And if we pay attention to who a society chooses to elevate, we begin to understand something deeper, not just about leadership, but about the state of the nation itself.

In Nigeria, intellectuals once occupied the highest social pedestal. Professors, vice chancellors, and technocrats carried enormous prestige. To be called Professor carried authority. Figures like Prof. Wole Soyinka and the generation of post-independence academics symbolised not just scholarship, but nationhood itself. Education represented aspiration. A young nation seeking identity looked naturally to academics as custodians of possibility.

Then came the era of pastors and men of God. Their influence stretched far beyond religion. Their words shaped public discourse, private decisions, and national imagination. From the rapid expansion of Pentecostal churches in the 1980s and 1990s to the rise of globally recognised ministries, religious leaders became central figures in both social and economic life.

This shift did not happen by accident.

In moments of uncertainty, people search for certainty. When formal institutions weaken, trust migrates. Faith communities became more than places of worship; they became systems of belonging, aspiration, emotional support, and social trust. The pastor became not merely a spiritual leader but, in many ways, an institution.

Then came the corporate elite, particularly the bank CEOs.

This was the era of liberalisation and financial expansion. Banking represented sophistication, global exposure, access, and proximity to opportunity. Corporate leaders became aspirational figures; symbols of success in a rapidly modernising economy.

Young professionals wanted to work in banks not simply because of compensation, but because banking represented relevance, influence, and possibility.

And now something appears to be shifting again.

We are beginning to admire a different kind of leader; the founder, the operator, the builder willing to confront difficult problems in energy, healthcare, logistics, education, and infrastructure. From large-scale industrial efforts like the Dangote Refinery to a new generation of technology and logistics entrepreneurs, there is a growing recognition of those who are attempting to build where the state itself has struggled to deliver.

What is striking is not merely the rise of builders.

It is why.

As problems become more visible and more personal, influence alone begins to feel insufficient. Charisma loses some of its power. Wealth without visible creation begins to feel incomplete. Increasingly, societies start rewarding execution over performance. This pattern is not uniquely Nigerian. America evolved through similar transitions.

The United States once elevated industrial titans:Rockefeller, Carnegie, Vanderbilt, Morgan, because the defining challenge of that age was industrialisation. Railroads, steel, oil, transport, and capital systems were required to build a nation. Later came industrial operators, financiers, corporate executives, and eventually technology founders.

Each generation elevated the leaders best positioned to solve the defining problem of its era. But America鈥檚 rise was never simply the story of extraordinary individuals. Its success rested on something more enduring: institutions. Wealth became rail systems, universities, libraries, energy networks, and financial markets; structures designed to outlast the people who built them.

The individuals were remarkable. The institutions were permanent. Which brings us to a difficult but necessary question:

What kind of leaders does Nigeria require now?

Perhaps we are entering the era of builders. Not merely personalities. Not influenced for its own sake. But leaders capable of solving hard problems, building enduring systems, and creating institutions strong enough to survive them. Because nations are not transformed by charisma alone. They are transformed when capable people build systems strong enough to survive uncertainty, politics, and even themselves.

Because ultimately, the true test of leadership is not whether one dominates an era. It is whether what one builds survives beyond it. That is how individuals leave legacies. And perhaps, that is how nations endure.

Dupe Olusola is Founder of DOVA Capital, a Fellow of the Harvard Advanced Leadership Initiative, Class of 2026, and a Professional Adviser to the MIT Kuo Sharper Center for Prosperity and Entrepreneurship.

The UK-Nigeria Security and Defence Partnership is an investment in Nigeria’s broader national development, contends JACOB ONOKPASA聽 聽

At a time when Nigeria continues to confront one of the most complex security environments in its history, strategic partnerships have become not just desirable but indispensable. Terrorism, banditry, kidnapping for ransom, piracy, cybercrime, transnational organised crime and the proliferation of small arms are no longer isolated domestic concerns. They are interconnected threats that transcend national boundaries and demand coordinated international responses.

It is against this backdrop that the two-day Fourth Session of the UK-Nigeria Security and Defence Partnership Dialogue, held in Abuja on Tuesday, June 23, 2026, deserves to be viewed as a significant milestone in Nigeria’s evolving security architecture. The meeting, co-chaired by the National Security Adviser (NSA), Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, and his British counterpart, Jonathan Powell, demonstrates that Nigeria is steadily building the kind of international alliances capable of reinforcing its internal security efforts.

This is precisely the kind of strategic diplomacy that modern security management requires. Mallam Ribadu captured the essence of the engagement when he observed that Nigeria’s long history and ties with the United Kingdom remain as strong as the commitments both countries have to their shared values and mutual interests. More importantly, he noted that the dialogue seeks to deepen existing partnerships while exploring future prospects. Those few words carry enormous significance.

Today’s security challenges cannot be won by military might alone. They require intelligence-driven operations, sophisticated surveillance technology, specialised training, cybersecurity capabilities, financial intelligence, border management, counter-terrorism expertise and robust international cooperation. These are areas where the United Kingdom has accumulated decades of experience.

Nigeria, on the other hand, occupies a strategic position in West Africa. Whatever affects Nigeria invariably impacts the wider sub-region. Consequently, a stronger Nigeria translates into a more secure West Africa. This makes the UK-Nigeria partnership beneficial to both countries.

The composition of the Nigerian delegation itself underscored the seriousness attached to the dialogue. Beyond the NSA, the meeting brought together the Chief of Defence Staff, General Olufemi Oluyede; the Chief of Army Staff, Lieutenant General Waidi Shaibu; Inspector-General of Police, Tunji Disu; Service Chiefs and other senior security stakeholders.

Such high-level representation demonstrates a deliberate whole-of-government approach to national security. It also reflects the growing synergy among Nigeria’s security institutions under the coordination of the Office of the National Security Adviser. That coordination has become increasingly important.

For years, one of the criticisms levelled against Nigeria’s security management was the absence of effective coordination among various agencies. Today, under Mallam Ribadu’s leadership, there is increasing evidence that intelligence sharing, joint planning and inter-agency cooperation are receiving renewed attention. The Security and Defence Partnership Dialogue complements this domestic coordination by extending it to trusted international partners.

One of the biggest gains expected from the dialogue is enhanced intelligence sharing. Modern terrorism thrives on information gaps. Criminal networks operate across multiple jurisdictions. Terror financiers move resources through sophisticated international channels. Human traffickers, arms smugglers and cybercriminals exploit porous borders and weak coordination among countries. No nation can effectively combat such threats in isolation.

The United Kingdom possesses advanced intelligence capabilities developed over many decades of counter-terrorism operations. Nigeria equally possesses valuable local intelligence and operational experience in dealing with insurgency and organised criminal groups within the West African region. When these complementary strengths are brought together, both countries become stronger.

Equally important is capacity building. Training remains one of the most enduring forms of defence cooperation because it creates lasting institutional capacity. Nigerian military personnel, intelligence officers and law enforcement agencies continue to benefit from specialised courses, operational planning, tactical instruction and professional exchanges with British counterparts.

Such programmes do not merely improve technical competence. They expose officers to international best practices, strengthen professionalism and encourage innovation in security operations. These are long-term investments whose benefits continue to multiply over time.

Technology transfer also deserves serious attention. Contemporary security operations increasingly rely on drones, satellite surveillance, digital intelligence, artificial intelligence, cyber defence systems and sophisticated communication platforms. Nigeria’s determination to modernise its security architecture will require access to these emerging technologies. Partnerships such as the UK-Nigeria Security and Defence Dialogue provide the framework through which technical cooperation can expand responsibly and sustainably.

Another important dimension is regional security. Nigeria remains the largest economy and one of the strongest military powers in West Africa. It plays a leading role in regional peacekeeping, counter-terrorism and maritime security. Instability in neighbouring countries inevitably spills into Nigeria through illegal migration, arms trafficking and cross-border criminal activities. Strengthening Nigeria’s security capacity, therefore, contributes directly to the stability of the entire Gulf of Guinea and the broader West African region. This is why Britain’s continued investment in Nigeria’s security is not an act of charity but a strategic necessity built on mutual interests.

Critics sometimes argue that Nigeria should rely solely on domestic capabilities. While patriotism demands self-reliance, realism demands partnerships. Virtually every major power today maintains extensive defence and intelligence cooperation with friendly nations. The United States collaborates closely with European allies. Britain works with NATO partners. France cooperates with African countries. Even technologically advanced nations recognise that security has become global.

Nigeria should not be an exception. The country’s willingness to learn, collaborate and adapt reflects strategic maturity rather than weakness.

Perhaps what is most encouraging is the timing of this dialogue. Nigeria has made noticeable progress in degrading several criminal networks while simultaneously reforming aspects of its security coordination mechanisms. Yet everyone recognises that the journey is far from complete. This is precisely the moment to consolidate gains instead of becoming complacent. By strengthening cooperation now, Nigeria positions itself to respond more effectively to emerging threats before they become full-scale crises. Timing, in security matters, is often everything.

The dialogue also sends a reassuring message to Nigerians and the international community that the Federal Government remains committed to pursuing every legitimate avenue to restore lasting peace and security. Investors pay close attention to security. Development partners monitor stability. Tourists consider safety. 糖心视频es evaluate risk. Young people seek environments where opportunities can flourish.

Improved security, therefore, becomes the foundation upon which economic growth, job creation, foreign investment and national development ultimately rest. No meaningful economic transformation can occur without a secure environment. That is why initiatives like the UK-Nigeria Security and Defence Partnership should not be viewed narrowly as military engagements. They are investments in Nigeria’s broader national development.

To his credit, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu continues to demonstrate that effective national security extends beyond battlefield operations. It involves diplomacy, strategic partnerships, intelligence cooperation, institutional reforms and sustained engagement with credible international allies.

The Abuja dialogue reflects this broader vision.

Its emphasis on defence cooperation, intelligence sharing, capacity building and regional stability aligns perfectly with the realities of twenty-first-century security management.

As the discussions translate into concrete programmes, Nigerians can reasonably expect improvements in operational effectiveness, enhanced institutional capacity and stronger international collaboration against common threats. Security is not achieved overnight. It is built patiently through planning, partnerships, professionalism and persistence. The Fourth UK-Nigeria Security and Defence Partnership Dialogue represents another important brick in that foundation.

If sustained with consistency and backed by effective implementation, the partnership has every potential to significantly strengthen Nigeria’s ongoing fight against insecurity while reinforcing its position as a stabilising force within West Africa. In the difficult battle against today’s sophisticated security threats, choosing capable partners is itself a strategic victory. On that score, the National Security Adviser appears firmly on the right path.

路 Onokpasa Jnr, a Peace and Conflict Resolution Professional, writes from Abuja

By Ngozi Enite-Okoro
Management Consultant | Institution Builder | Governance Advocate

Every election, millions of Nigerians identify political parties first by their symbols rather than by their names. In many cases, the logo鈥攏ot the text鈥攊s the language of democracy.

The broom, umbrella, cockerel, lion and other party emblems have become powerful national brands that communicate identity long before a word is spoken. These symbols appear on ballot papers, campaign materials, billboards, websites, social media platforms, branded clothing, banners and publications. They represent ideology, history, trust and aspiration. They are among the most valuable assets of any political party.

Yet one important question has received very little public attention: Should Nigerian political parties protect these identities through trademark registration in addition to their registration with the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC)?

While there is no publicly available consolidated record showing which Nigerian political parties have registered trademarks for their names or logos, the issue raises an important governance question that deserves national attention. As Nigeria continues to strengthen its democratic institutions, protecting institutional identity should form part of the broader conversation on governance reform.

One of the greatest misconceptions about political parties is that they exist only to contest elections.

They do not.

Political parties are enduring institutions. They recruit leaders, formulate public policy, educate citizens, mobilise political participation and shape the future of nations. Their influence extends far beyond election day.

Institutions of such significance should protect their identities with the same level of diligence expected of corporations, universities, professional bodies and non-profit organisations.
This is where an important legal distinction arises.

Registration with INEC enables a political party to participate in Nigeria’s electoral process using an approved name, acronym and logo. Trademark registration, on the other hand, serves a different purpose. It protects distinctive names and symbols as intellectual property and can strengthen legal rights against unauthorised or misleading use.

The two systems are not alternatives; they perform different functions. One regulates participation in elections, while the other helps safeguard institutional identity.

Whether a particular political party can successfully register a specific name or logo as a trademark will depend on the applicable provisions of Nigerian intellectual property law and the distinctiveness of the mark in question. Nevertheless, the broader principle remains compelling: where the law permits, institutions should take deliberate steps to protect the identities they have spent years building.

In an era where political communication extends across television, radio, websites, social media, mobile applications and branded merchandise, protecting institutional identity has become more important than ever.
A political party invests enormous time and resources in building public recognition. Its logo becomes synonymous with its values, policies and leadership. Protecting that identity is therefore not merely a legal consideration鈥攊t is a governance responsibility.
Trademark protection can reinforce institutional ownership of a party’s visual identity, reduce the likelihood of confusingly similar branding, strengthen public confidence and support consistent use of the party’s brand across physical and digital platforms.

More importantly, it reflects an organisation’s commitment to professionalism, compliance and long-term institution building.
Institution building is not limited to constitutions, manifestos and campaign promises. It also involves establishing systems that preserve organisational integrity for future generations.

Successful institutions deliberately protect their names, logos, colours and intellectual property. Political parties should be no exception.
Every political party should consider adopting a comprehensive brand governance policy that defines how its identity is created, used, protected and managed. Such a framework should cover logo usage, official colours, typography, digital communications, publications, campaign materials and other official representations.
Political parties should also consider conducting periodic intellectual property audits to ensure that their names, logos and other valuable brand assets receive appropriate legal protection and remain aligned with evolving legal and technological realities.

Doing so would help preserve institutional consistency, reduce avoidable disputes over identity and reinforce public confidence in the party’s institutional maturity.
As Nigeria continues to deepen its democracy, discussions on electoral reform should extend beyond technology, campaign finance and voter participation. They should also include measures that strengthen the institutions upon which democracy depends.

Encouraging political parties to consider trademark protection for their names and logos should be viewed as part of a broader governance agenda. It need not be a statutory requirement for party registration, but it deserves recognition as a sound institutional practice.
Nigeria’s intellectual property authorities, INEC, legal practitioners, governance experts and professional bodies all have a role to play in promoting awareness of this issue and encouraging best practices in institutional governance.
Strong democracies are sustained by strong institutions. Strong institutions are sustained by sound governance. And sound governance includes protecting institutional identity.
Protecting political party identity through trademark registration may appear to be a modest reform, but history teaches us that enduring institutions are strengthened through deliberate systems, careful stewardship and attention to detail that preserve public confidence.

Political parties seek the trust of citizens to govern the nation. It is therefore both reasonable and responsible that they demonstrate an equal commitment to protecting their own institutional identity.
Democracy flourishes when its institutions are trusted. Institutions earn trust when they are deliberately built, carefully governed and intentionally protected.

Protecting political party identity through trademark registration may seem like a modest reform, but enduring institutions are strengthened by deliberate actions that preserve public confidence, legal certainty and institutional continuity.
If Nigeria is committed to deepening its democracy, then safeguarding the identities of the institutions that sustain that democracy deserves serious consideration. Protecting democracy, in many respects, begins with protecting the identity of the institutions entrusted with it.

About the Author
Ngozi Enite-Okoro is a Management Consultant, Institution Builder, Governance Advocate and Founder of the Tu2minis Ecosystem. She is the author of From Kitchen to Global Shelves and writes on governance, entrepreneurship, institutional development, compliance and leadership.

Tosin Clegg

Nigerian content creator and social media influencer Sanni Iyabo Munirat, popularly known as Paramount Komedy, has said her brand goes beyond producing comedy skits, stressing that her focus is on creating content that entertains, educates and inspires audiences.

The content creator, who has built a loyal online community of nearly 400,000 Instagram followers, said her passion for storytelling and making people laugh inspired her journey into digital content creation.

Born on March 10, 1996, Paramount Komedy, a graduate of Moshood Abiola Polytechnic and Tai Solarin University of Education, said she recognised the growing influence of social media while in school and decided to leverage the platform to make a positive impact.

“I wanted to create content that not only entertained people but also educated and inspired them. That passion gave birth to my journey as a content creator,” she said.

Speaking on the inspiration behind her brand name, she explained that “Paramount” symbolises excellence and the desire to stand out through quality and originality.

“Paramount Komedy isn’t just about making funny videos; it’s about creating content with purpose. Whenever people see my brand, I want them to expect originality, positive energy and meaningful entertainment,” she added.

Now married, the influencer said she remains committed to using her platform responsibly while consistently producing engaging and impactful content for her growing audience.

Former Rivers State Commissioner for Information and Communications, Dr. Emma Okah, has announced the death of his mother, Mrs. Comfort Adanwo Okah, popularly known as “Mama Dubai Arab,” who passed away at the age of 95.

In a formal notification issued to family members, friends, associates, and the public, Dr. Okah disclosed that the matriarch died peacefully on June 6, 2026, following a brief age-related illness.

The late Mrs. Okah, n茅e Ajoku-Igwe, was described as a woman of exceptional courage, compassion, fairness, and unwavering faith whose life was dedicated to service, community development, and the advancement of others.

According to the statement signed by Dr. Okah on behalf of the Okah and Ajoku-Igwe families, the deceased remained committed throughout her lifetime to education, self-improvement, public service, politics, and the welfare of people within and outside her immediate family circle.

“Mama Dubai was a woman of exemplary courage, compassion, fairness, and deep faith who believed strongly in education, self-improvement, and service to others,” the statement noted.

The family further described her as a disciplined, fearless, industrious, and independent-minded woman who contributed significantly to the growth of her community and maintained relationships without bitterness.

Beyond her family responsibilities, Mrs. Okah was recognised as a respected community leader who played a key role in mobilising and coordinating women in her community.

Her commitment to Christianity, particularly the Anglican faith, was evident in her active support for the establishment of the King of Kings Anglican Church in Omopo, Elele Town, Ikwerre Local Government Area of Rivers State.

Fondly referred to as the family’s “Prayer Warrior,” she remained devoted to God and His Word until her final days, the family said.

The funeral programme released by the family indicates that a Service of Songs will be held on Tuesday, July 21, 2026, at the Rivers State Ecumenical Centre on Abonnema Wharf Road, Port Harcourt, beginning at 4 p.m.

The funeral service is scheduled for Saturday, July 25, 2026, at St. James Anglican Church, Elele Town, Ikwerre Local Government Area, commencing at 9 a.m.

A reception will follow at Camp David Residence, the country home of Dr. Emma Okah, located along the Elele鈥揙muanwa Road near the Nigeria Police Anti-Cultism Unit.
A thanksgiving service will be held the following day, Sunday, July 26, 2026, at the same church.

The family expressed gratitude to friends, associates, and well-wishers for their support and prayers, while inviting members of the public to join them in celebrating the life and legacy of the deceased.

Dr. Okah, who signed the announcement as Chief Mourner, said the family remains comforted by the impactful life lived by the nonagenarian, whose contributions to faith, family, and community development will continue to inspire generations.

To reduce the Maternal Mortality rate in Nigeria, Maternal Reproductive Healthcare (MRH Collective) in partnership with Stelling One Foundation recently held a sensitisation programme to inform women of reproductive age on importance of skilled care during pregnancy.
At the Ajeromi Ifelodun Local Government Area, Ajegunle, Lagos, where the programme held, more than 100 women of reproductive age were enlightened on the importance of seeking quality healthcare, registering in a health facility during pregnancy and signs to look out for during pregnancy.
The Programme Manager for Interventions at MRH Collective, Feyintoluwa Aluko, said the sensitisation became imperative considering that World Health Organisation (WHO) listed Nigeria as the second country in the world with the highest maternal mortality rate.
“The programme is all about telling the women in the community the importance of registering with a healthcare facility when they are pregnant. Healthcare facilities have skilled health personnel that can manage and detect risks that can occur during pregnancy. We understand that if more women register and follow up their antenatal care, we will have less mortality rate,” she said.
Aluko also stated that the sensitisation programme is held twice every month but rotated in different communities and local government areas around Lagos suburbs as part of their education awareness of the Mamabase outreach.
Also speaking to the media on their partnership with MRH Collective, Lead Operations at
Stelling One Foundation, Tina Fasugbe, said the vision of the foundation is have a prosperous and inclusive Africa where everyone thrives.
“Supporting health is one of our thematic areas. We are sustaining that vision of ours through health. Our partnership with MRH Collective and the Mamabase outreach is a way of Stelling One reaffirming it’s commitment to women’s health to expand the access to maternal reproductive Healthcare to under deserved communities in Lagos State,” she said.
Coordinator of the Ajeromi Ifelodun outreach who also works with MRH Collective, Oluwabusola Fadeni, explained that the programme invited religious leaders, elderly men and women in the community to share in the information, saying that they are the custodians of every society and can encourage young women to access health if they are well informed.

Baobab Microfinance Bank has successfully concluded the first phase of its Menstrual Hygiene Awareness Project in Ilorin, Kwara State, reaffirming its commitment to improving the well-being of communities through impactful social interventions.

As part of the initiative, the bank distributed 500 reusable sanitary pads to schoolgirls at a carefully selected beneficiary school in Ilorin.

The project was implemented in partnership with Sisters of Jannah (SOJ), a trusted grassroots organization, whose local knowledge and community presence played a critical role in identifying the school with the greatest need.

Menstrual hygiene remains one of the most overlooked challenges affecting young girls in Nigeria, particularly in low-income communities where access to sanitary products is limited. 

Period poverty continues to contribute to school absenteeism, reduced academic performance and, in severe cases, school dropout among adolescent girls.

By providing reusable sanitary pads, Baobab Microfinance Bank is offering a sustainable, cost-effective solution that supports long-term menstrual health management while helping young girls stay in school and learn with dignity.

Speaking on the initiative, the Chief 糖心视频 Development Officer of Baobab Microfinance Bank Nigeria, Joy Micheal-Oti, said: 鈥淎t Baobab Microfinance Bank, we believe that every girl deserves the opportunity to learn without interruption. Menstrual health is not a privilege; it is a basic right. This intervention in Ilorin marks the beginning of a broader commitment to addressing period poverty across Nigeria. We are determined to scale this initiative to multiple states and ensure that no girl鈥檚 education is disrupted because of a lack of access to menstrual products.鈥�

This initiative forms part of the bank鈥檚 broader Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR), aimed at promoting inclusive development and improving the quality of life for underserved populations.

Reflecting on the impact of the outreach, the Social Performance Manager at Baobab Microfinance Bank Nigeria, Barisi Samuels, added: 鈥淓xecuting this project reinforced why this work matters so deeply. Beyond the distribution of sanitary pads, we delivered something even more important: dignity, confidence and reassurance to these girls that they are seen, valued, and supported. I am proud of what we achieved alongside Sisters of Jannah, Sana Pads and enthusiastic about the future of this initiative.鈥�

The reusable sanitary pads were supplied by Sana Pads, a female-owned business located in Kano with a commitment to providing sustainable menstrual health solutions for women and girls. 

By supporting a women-led enterprise while addressing a critical need, the initiative delivered meaningful impact on multiple levels and reflects Baobab鈥檚 commitment to empowering communities through sustainable and inclusive interventions. 

Further emphasizing the partnership, Mistura Afolabi of Sisters of Jannah explained the significance of community-led collaboration.

鈥淥ur work within this community has shown us the daily realities many girls face due to a lack of access to menstrual hygiene products. We are proud to have partnered with Baobab Microfinance Bank on this important intervention. Through this collaboration, we ensured that support reached the girls who needed it most. This is how meaningful and lasting change begins,鈥� Afolabi said.

Building on the success of its first phase, the Menstrual Hygiene Awareness Project is set to expand its reach across Nigeria, supported by Baobab Microfinance Bank鈥檚 network of 38 branches spanning 16 states. 

This broad presence will enable the bank to identify and support more communities with pressing menstrual health needs while partnering with trusted local stakeholders to deliver sustainable, community-driven impact. 

Further details on expansion plans and beneficiary schools will be announced in due course. 

From medicine to boardrooms, from marathon tracks to the hallowed spaces of legacy-building, Dr. Awele Elumelu at 56 remains a gentle fire whose warmth touches everything and everyone within her orbit, writes Lanre Alfred

To write about Dr. Awele Elumelu is to write about a woman who transcends categories. Physician. Entrepreneur. Philanthropist. Wellness advocate. Wife. Mother. Mentor. Each title tells only part of the story. Together, they reveal a life lived with uncommon intentionality and purpose.

With unfaltering resolve and an abiding conviction that medicine must transcend diagnosis and treatment, Dr. Elumelu has devoted herself to restoring dignity to healthcare. She entered the sector not merely as a practitioner but as a believer鈥攂elieving in Africa鈥檚 promise, in the resilience of its people, and in the transformative power of accessible healthcare.

She was born in Lagos on June 23, 1970. She attended Queen鈥檚 College, Lagos, and graduated with a Bachelor of Medicine and Bachelor of Surgery (MBBS) degrees from the University of Benin. She has practised medicine in both Nigeria and the United Kingdom, including at the Lagos University Teaching Hospital and Granthan and District Hospital.

 She is chairperson of Avon Healthcare Limited (Avon HMO) and Avon Medical Practice. In these roles, she has overseen health insurance and clinic operations designed to increase access to medical services in Nigeria.

AVON Medical was born not from convenience but necessity. It emerged from her determination to confront glaring gaps in healthcare delivery and replace despair with possibility. Founded in 2009 with a modest worksite clinic, it was driven by an audacious dream: to create a healthcare system that would not discriminate based on privilege, income or circumstance.

As she would later reflect: 鈥淲e started to fill a vacuum. To offer what was absent. To heal where systems were broken.鈥�

What began as a single clinic has blossomed into a thriving healthcare ecosystem encompassing hospitals, diagnostic centres, dialysis facilities, paediatric services and health insurance solutions through AVON HMO. Yet beyond the impressive infrastructure lies something far more profound鈥攁 philosophy rooted in compassion and inclusion.

Today, AVON Medical stands as a testament to what becomes possible when vision meets commitment. In a society where the gulf between the wealthy and the vulnerable often appears insurmountable, it serves as a sanctuary where dignity is preserved, and humanity is honoured.

Dr. Elumelu understands the scale of Africa鈥檚 healthcare challenge. The statistics remain sobering.

鈥淥nly about 3% of global health workers serve Africa,鈥� she noted. 鈥淎nd in Nigeria alone, the gap in available and qualified doctors, beds, and equipment reflects a system under pressure.鈥�

 For many, such realities inspire concern. For Awele, they inspire action.

With Africa bearing a disproportionate burden of global disease while possessing only a fraction of the resources needed to combat it, she understood early on that concern alone would never suffice. There had to be structures,  institutions and access.

This conviction aligns naturally with Africapitalism鈥攖he philosophy championed by her husband, Tony Elumelu, and embraced wholeheartedly by her. It is the belief that Africa鈥檚 private sector must become a catalyst for development by investing in solutions that generate both economic value and social impact.

Healthcare is sometimes viewed as a matter of charity or government responsibility. Dr. Elumelu sees it differently. 鈥淗ealthcare is an investment in the continent鈥檚 most valuable resource: our people.鈥� And because people matter, she believes investment must be patient.

鈥淵ou don鈥檛 expect returns in six months or even two years. You invest because people matter. Because life matters.鈥�

Those words reveal the essence of her philosophy. They explain why AVON Medical has become far more than a business venture. It is a mission. A calling. A deliberate effort to leave the healthcare landscape better than she found it.

Yet there is another side to Dr. Elumelu鈥檚 remarkable story鈥攐ne measured not in hospital wards or boardroom decisions, but in miles conquered and finish lines crossed. If healthcare reveals her compassion, marathon running reveals her character.

What began during the lockdown period of 2020 as a simple commitment to personal wellness has evolved into an extraordinary journey of endurance and self-discovery. Since then, she has conquered some of the world鈥檚 most prestigious marathons, including London, Berlin, New York, Chicago, Tokyo and Sydney.

For many, a marathon is simply a race. For Awele, it is a philosophy. It is a declaration that discipline matters, resilience can be cultivated, and limitations are often invitations to grow.

Reflecting on her journey after conquering Tokyo, she said: 鈥淲hat started as a simple lockdown hobby in 2020 has turned into an incredibly rewarding journey. Having the support of my friends and family, cheering me on today, screaming, tracking my distance covered virtually, and encouraging me, made it even more lovely! Thank you to everyone who has followed along.鈥�

The statement captures her humility. Despite completing some of the world鈥檚 most demanding races, she remains focused not on personal glory but on gratitude. Indeed, marathon running is more than a pastime for Dr. Elumelu. It is a discipline. A culture of resilience. A commitment to becoming stronger in body, mind and spirit.

Each race mirrors the broader journey of life itself. There are moments of exhilaration and moments of fatigue. There are stretches where the finish line feels impossibly distant. Yet progress belongs to those who keep moving.

Behind this formidable marathoner stands one of her greatest supporters鈥攈er husband.

Their partnership remains one of the most admired in contemporary Africa because it rests not merely on shared success but on shared purpose. Together, they have built businesses, raised a family and cultivated a relationship defined by mutual respect and unwavering encouragement.

The story of a couple is often told in fragments鈥攎oments of laughter, fleeting gestures, quiet sacrifices hidden from public view. Yet when the story belongs to Awele and Tony, those fragments coalesce into something larger: a living testament to devotion, partnership and grace.

Together, they reveal a truth larger than sport: that marriage itself is a marathon. It demands endurance, rhythm, sacrifice and companionship. At times one runs ahead; at other times one slows down to steady the other. But the beauty lies not in who leads, but in arriving at the finish line together.

At 56, Dr. Elumelu stands as living proof that significance is greater than success and that impact outlives achievement.

Her story can be read in the hospitals she has built, the lives she has touched, the marathons she has completed and the family she continues to nurture with love and purpose.  Fortune, fitness and philanthropy may define the visible contours of her remarkable life, but beneath them all lies something even more enduring: character.

And so, as another June unfolds and the years gather gently around her, Elumelu remains what she has always been鈥攁 quiet force, a healing presence and a shining testament to the extraordinary possibilities of a life devoted to others.

The recent completion of 40 housing units for judges in Abuja has reignited debate over the separation of powers, with many questioning whether the executive branch’s funding of such lavish accommodations for members of the judiciary is consistent with the principle of judicial independence, Davidson Iriekpen writes

The media was abuzz recently with news of the inauguration of official mansions for judges of the Court of Appeal, the Federal High Court, and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) High Court in Abuja by the Minister of the FCT, Mr. Nyesom Wike, with many analysts questioning the appropriateness of the projects.

While the initiative aims to boost judicial welfare, security, and independence by removing judges from vulnerable rental areas, critics have argued that it could create perceptions of undue influence on the judiciary and compromise its perceived neutrality by tying judges to political benefactors.

The provision of standard official residences is globally acceptable for top judicial officers. However, the specific implementation鈥攃haracterised by political fanfare and massive executive involvement鈥攔emains a subject of intense public concern.

Officials of the Federal Capital Development Authority (FCDA) said the project comprises 20 duplexes for judges of the FCT High Court, 10 for judges of the Federal High Court, and another 10 for justices of the Court of Appeal.

Each residence is a seven-bedroom duplex equipped with luxury features, including private swimming pools, home theatres, staff quarters, and advanced security systems.

Proponents, including President Bola Tinubu and the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Kudirat Kekere-Ekun, have maintained that befitting housing and secure environments would give judges peace of mind to interpret the law fairly.

Specifically, Justice Kekere-Ekun praised the initiative as a milestone in supporting the judiciary鈥檚 welfare, emphasising that the homes would provide judges with the peace and security needed to perform their duties effectively.

Also, supporters of the initiative and other government officials insist the criticism is misplaced. They argue that providing adequate accommodation for judges is a standard government responsibility and aligns with the constitutional role of the FCT administration in supporting all three arms of government.

According to them, several judges reportedly lived in rented apartments and guest houses, a situation authorities say posed security risks and could undermine judicial independence.

Even the FCT minister, Wike, has dismissed criticism that the residences are excessive, insisting that providing secure and dignified living conditions for judges is essential to strengthening the rule of law and protecting the integrity of the judicial system.

He denied claims that the construction of homes for judges in Abuja is intended to influence the judiciary politically, adding that the housing project is not his personal initiative but rather part of a welfare package introduced by President Tinubu in 2024 to ensure the judiciary’s independence.

However, the scale and luxury of the houses have triggered intense reactions from a cross-section of Nigerians, with many comparing them to the deplorable conditions in which teachers and medical doctors live in the same Abuja.

This, they stressed, comes amid persistent economic pressure across the country, with rising food prices and widespread hardship affecting millions of households.

They also pointed out that high-profile, politicised fanfare around the housing projects creates the perception that the bench is beholden to political power and, as such, erodes public confidence in the judiciary.

A human rights lawyer, Femi Falana (SAN), condemned the houses for judges, arguing that it is wrong for the executive to give gifts to the members of the judiciary, especially judges. He said this is why the judiciary’s autonomy has been constitutionalised, adding that judges have no business going to the executive to buy them cars and houses.

鈥淏ecause you are a minister of the federal government, like a state governor, your budget is limited to the affairs of the FCT. So, you cannot, as the head of the FCT, be dishing out gifts of cars and houses to judges in the Federal High Court, the Appeal Court, and the Supreme Court.

鈥淣umber two, you have cases before these courts, on the theory of equality before the court, you cannot be seen to be giving cars or houses to the judges who are going to determine your cases.鈥�

A Senior Advocate of Nigeria, who spoke to 糖心视频 on condition of anonymity, argued that, as an independent arm of government, the judiciary should be properly funded, like the other two arms of government, to provide vehicles and houses for judges.

鈥淭he judiciary is supposed to be on the first line charge, like other arms of government, to be able to address all that the judges and other officials need. Giving them cars and houses by the executive arm of the government will definitely compromise them and erode judicial integrity,鈥� he said.

Recently, the President of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Afam Osigwe (SAN), faulted state governors and the executive branch for publicly gifting houses and cars to judges. He argued that this practice compromises judicial independence.

Osigwe maintained that the judiciary’s operational needs鈥攊ncluding courtrooms and staff quarters鈥攕hould be fully funded through an independent budget, not at the political mercy of governors. He warned that publicly presenting vehicles or homes makes judges beholden to political figures, and erodes public trust in the judiciary’s ability to remain impartial, especially when providers have cases pending in court.

The NBA president emphasised that the judiciary must be financially autonomous, insisting that judges’ official needs, including transportation and housing, should be adequately covered by proper, independent budgetary allocations rather than executive handouts.

鈥淚t is concerning to us that the governors would do things for the judiciary as if they were doing them a favour. Often, it鈥檚 annoying to see some governors talk about how 鈥極h, I give cars to my judges,鈥� or even invite the judges to a public presentation of vehicles or other materials to members of the judiciary.

鈥淭he judiciary should be an independent part of government and should not be demeaned or reduced to a point where members of the judiciary should be given handouts as if a favour was being done to them,鈥� Osigwe stressed.

Another human rights activist, Samson Adaku, in a series of social media posts accused the government of prioritising the welfare of judges while ordinary Nigerians struggle to survive. He argued that similar housing support is not provided for other critical professionals, such as doctors and teachers, raising questions about the government鈥檚 broader spending priorities.

On his part, the Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria (HURIWA) has described it as an act of 鈥渆gregious corruption鈥� and a violation of judicial independence. In a statement, its Director, Emmanuel Onwobiko, stressed that as an independent arm of government, the judiciary should not be financially indebted to the executive, which controls public resources.

The group also said the move could compromise the impartiality of the courts, especially in cases involving the government.

There is so much the Nigerian judiciary and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) can learn from the recent trial and acquittal of former Minister of Petroleum Resources, Diezani Alison-Madueke, by London’s Southwark Crown Court.

Alison-Madueke served as minister from 2010 to 2015. Following the defeat of President Goodluck Jonathan’s administration by Muhammadu Buhari in the 2015 presidential election, allegations of corruption were levelled against her, and she subsequently relocated to the United Kingdom.

She was first arrested in London in October 2015 but was granted bail while the UK National Crime Agency (NCA) carried out extensive investigations into the allegations against her.

In January 2026, she was finally charged to stand trial on a six-count charge of bribery and conspiracy to commit bribery.

Prosecutors alleged that she received more than 拢100,000 in cash, luxury accommodation, chauffeur-driven vehicles, private jet flights and other benefits in exchange for awarding lucrative oil and gas contracts, among other charges.

Also accused alongside her were Doye Agama, who appeared in court via video link and Olatimbo Ayinde, who was present in the dock.

The trial proceeded without significant interruptions and, on June 17, 2026, the jury returned unanimous not-guilty verdicts for all defendants, bringing the lengthy NCA investigation to an unsuccessful conclusion.

One lesson for the Nigerian judiciary lies in the speed and consistency with which the proceedings were conducted. Once the trial commenced, it progressed without the frequent adjournments that often characterise high-profile cases in Nigeria. Within six months of the filing of charges, the matter had been concluded and judgment delivered.

Before Alison-Madueke was arraigned, the NCA spent years conducting investigations and gathering evidence. Throughout that period, there were no media trials or highly publicised raids or arrests, nor were multiple charges filed before the investigation had run its course. Though the NCA lost the case, all it filed was a six-count charge. If it were the EFCC, it would be a lengthy and bogus charge sheet.

Furthermore, while on bail, Alison-Madueke was free to move about unlike in Nigeria where the EFCC would have detained her or procure a Magistrate Court鈥檚 order to keep her in detention indefinitely.

The anti-corruption agency needs to wake up and take prosecution serious here

With the increasing use of military and police uniforms by terrorists and other criminal elements in Nigeria, the various security and intelligence agencies should unravel the ownership and potential users of the 47 sacks of military camouflage uniforms intercepted recently by the Lagos State Police Command, and should not treat the seizure like other previous cases where the wealthy owners of illegally imported arms and ammunition, and their potential users, were not made public, Ejiofor Alike writes

Who are the real owners and potential users of the military camouflage uniforms intercepted recently by the Lagos State Police Command?

If the uniforms contained in 47 sacks, alongside 80 cartons of suspected illicit substances, were brought into the country through the ports, how did they escape the eagle eyes of the various government agencies at the ports?

These are some of the questions investigators must unravel in the coming weeks as the Lagos State Police Command launched investigations to determine the source of the uniforms and drugs.

The interception of these items came amid growing concerns over the increasing use of military and police-grade uniforms by terrorists and other criminal elements across the country.

In Nigeria today, it is difficult to distinguish genuine soldiers and policemen from fake ones due to the proliferation of fake military and police uniforms, which are imported into the country.

With Nigeria’s porous borders, foreigners as well as arms and ammunition, are illegally brought into the country to cause mayhem.

Security officials at Nigeria’s sea and land borders collude with importers and smugglers to bring various grades of weapons and illicit drugs that are fuelling insecurity in the country.

Even when these illegal items are intercepted by the relevant agencies, only the errand boys are made to face justice, while the wealthy individuals behind their importation are shielded from the law.

On several occasions, security agencies seize imported items while their wealthy owners are allowed to go scot-free to continue the illegal and unpatriotic business.

That’s why the interception of the 47 sacks of military uniforms and the drugs should not be treated like previous seizures of illicit drugs and arms where the real owners, as well as their destinations and potential users, were not publicly disclosed.

In what it described as a major intelligence-led operation in the Surulere area of Lagos State, the state police command intercepted these items in its renewed war against crimes in the state.

The state Commissioner of Police, Fatai Tijani, announced this feat while addressing journalists at the command headquarters in Ikeja last Tuesday.

According to the CP, three suspects were apprehended on Saturday night penltimate week with an unregistered MAN diesel truck loaded with military camouflage uniforms and cartons of substances suspected to be illicit drugs.

Many believe that the arrested suspects are mere errand boys.

The CP also explained that preliminary investigations revealed that the truck was heading to the South-east.

However, more intelligence-based investigations should unravel the real owners and potential users of the uniforms and not just the destination.

While there is increasing use of military and police uniforms by terrorists, many Nigerian politicians are also notorious for using thugs in military and police uniforms to intimidate their political opponents and perpetrate violence during elections.

This is why the determination of actual owners and potential users is very important in view of the fact that the 2027 general election is approaching.

While CP Tijani and his officers and men deserve accolades for the victory they recorded in recent weeks in the ongoing war against insecurity, his promise to investigate the crime should not be the last Nigerians would hear of the intercepted items.

Some weeks ago, the Nigeria Customs Service (NCS) made a similar claim that the luxury bus conveying military camouflage uniforms and illicit drugs it seized along the Sagamu-Ore-Benin Expressway, was also heading towards the South-east.

However, the NCS has not revealed the identities of the wealthy owners and potential users of the items.

It is this lack of painstaking investigation to track and expose the real owners and users of imported arms, and illicit drugs that encourages the importation of these items into the country.

 On the efforts being made to curb the influx of illegal aliens into the country, the Lagos CP also announced the arrest of foreign nationals during a separate operation on Lagos Island.

He said the suspects comprised 14 citizens of Chad, nine from Burkina Faso, four from Benin Republic, four Malians, two Togolese, two Cameroonians and one Guinean.

According to him, many of those arrested were unable to provide satisfactory explanations about their activities in Nigeria.

Illegal aliens and criminal elements from neighbouring countries troop into Nigeria because they speak the same languages with many Nigerian ethnic groups.

Indeed, Nigeria is a breeding ground for illegal aliens and unauthorised weapons.

 In July 2024, the NCS intercepted nine containers bearing offensive items, including arms, ammunition, illicit drugs and second-hand clothes with a total duty paid value of N13.915 billion at Onne Port in Rivers State.

One of the containers, a 40-footer with numbers: MAEU165396, which originated from Turkey, contained 844 units of rifles and 112,500 pieces of live ammunition with a total duty-paid value of N4.171 billion.

The seizure of the 844 rifles and 112,500 pieces of live ammunition was not the first time NCS recorded a major victory against the influx of arms into the country.

The interception of 661 pump action rifles imported from Turkey at Apapa Port in Lagos State on January 22, 2017 was also another major achievement by the NCS.

The container, which was cleared at the port with the aid of two compromised NCS officers, was on its way to an unknown destination before it was intercepted at the Mile 2-Apapa Expressway by the operatives of the FOU Ikeja.

The NCS had declared two of its officers 鈥� Abdulahi I., an assistant superintendent of customs (ASC), with service number 44483, and ACIC Odiba Inah, with service number 133386, wanted over the incident.

On September 6, 2017, the NCS intercepted 1,570 pump action rifles at Terminal B1, of the Tincan Island Port, Lagos.

Barely 48 hours after the seizure of the 844 rifles in July 2024, the NCS intercepted a cache of arms and ammunition valued at N270 million at the Murtala Muhammed Airport (MMA) in Lagos.

The 55 pieces of unassembled Jojef Magnum (Tomahawk) semi-automatic shotgun, which were intercepted at the cargo section of the MMA, were also imported from Turkey.

While the police and the NCS deserve commendation for their efforts, they need to collaborate with the Department of State Services (DSS), and other agencies to establish the actual destination, potential distributors and end users of imported weapons and uniforms, so as to expose these criminal networks and bring the perpetrators to justice.

That鈥檚 the only way to curb the influx of the main drivers of insecurity into the country. 

Last week, the family of Malama Ummulkhair, an Islamiyya school teacher who was in a most barbaric manner lynched and burnt by a mob on a false accusation of child theft in Maraban Jos, Igabi Local Government Area of Kaduna State, recounted her final moments.

Some residents had accused Ummukhair, a mother of four, of attempting to steal children while on her way to attend an Islamic lecture last Sunday afternoon. The allegation quickly spread, drawing a large crowd that attacked her before security operatives intervened and took her into protective custody at a nearby police station.

However, the situation later escalated as hundreds of angry youths and residents reportedly besieged the police station and demanded she be handed over to them. It was learnt that despite efforts by security personnel to restore order, the mob eventually overpowered the officers and set her ablaze.

This is definitely one mob killing too many especially when such allegations are always false or wrong accusations.

 Amnesty International condemned the incident, describing it as a horrific act of mob violence and called on the authorities to investigate the allegations that police officers handed the victim over to the mob.

According to the group, the incident reflected a broader failure by authorities to protect lives. The organisation lamented that it is appalling that mob violence is gradually becoming the norm, saying it is largely meted out based on suspicion, rumour or hearsay.

As it is usually the case, the Kaduna State Police Command has said more than 80 suspects have been arrested in connection with the killing.

According to the police, investigation had already shown that the victim was wrongly accused. It vowed that those responsible for the killing would face justice.

It was laughable for the police to say that they were overpowered by the people when the woman was already in their custody. Nigerians have heard similar excuses many in the past without proper actions.

Surprisingly, the Kaduna State Government, which has a responsibility to protect lives and property, has remained silent on the issue.

To avoid a recurrence, the authorities should ensure that those responsible are brought to justice. The primitive mob justice system in Nigeria must stop.

It is often said that the world can be explored through food. For Gina Ojo, food is more than sustenance or adventure; it is a repository of history, culture and identity. Through her television programme Foodies and Spice, the lawyer-turned-media executive has spent over a decade documenting indigenous Nigerian cuisines and preserving the stories behind them, writes Vanessa Obioha.

It is easy to tell what one is passionate about by what they talk about or share most on social media. For Gina Ojo, the CEO of Geenamore and Associates, it is mostly food and travel. Her love for food dates back to her childhood, where, surprisingly, she was a picky eater.

鈥淎s a child, I loved food, but the number of foods I ate could be counted on one hand,鈥� she said in a recent encounter. 鈥淗owever, when I was eight, my grandmother introduced me to cooking my own food because I was picky. After successfully making my own soup (Scentleaves soup), I began to explore.鈥�

That exploration gave her the freedom to try new tastes, textures and anything that crossed her mind.

鈥淪ome will come out right, and the day it doesn鈥檛 work, I will not eat it. The rest of the family may want to manage it, but I will never eat food that doesn鈥檛 sit right with me, even if I cooked it. I don鈥檛 know how to manage bad-tasting food.鈥�

Even though she evinced her love for food at a younger age, it wasn鈥檛 until she moved to Lagos for law school and began working in the corporate sector that she began her journey into preserving Nigerian food and culture.

鈥淚 realised that the people in this city had very limited knowledge of the kinds of food in Nigeria, many of them do not even know their indigenous ingredients, let alone the meals made with them.鈥�

Although she recognised this gap early, she did not immediately pursue it. At the time, she was building a career in media production and television management, a path that would eventually provide the platform for her culinary storytelling.

From law school, Ojo joined Virtual Media Limited, the owners of Nigezie and Orisun TV Channels, where she worked for about six years, rising to the position of the Head Corporate Development Officer.

In 2012, she joined WAP Productions Limited to lead the team in setting up the WAP TV channel and was the General Manager for five years. It was while in WAP TV that she started her cooking show Foodies and Spice, a food and travel series, where she doubles as the producer and host of the programme. The series features various indigenous recipes and cooking techniques.

鈥淚 made it a matter of importance to showcase all our indigenous cuisines, ingredients and even stories if they had, to uphold our culture. Foodies and Spice has become a go-to show, archiving these recipes one meal at a time.鈥�

The more she travelled across different countries documenting food, lifestyle, and culture, the more her knowledge of food deepened. Recently, she had a food fusion with the Chinese Consulate in Lagos, where wrapping food in bamboo leaves was the lesson of the day.

But of all the destinations she had travelled, none left a sweet taste on her palate like

Azerbaijan.

鈥淢y Azerbaijani experience is one memory that left a very deep impression in my heart,鈥� she enthused. 鈥淚t was a window to the cuisine and lifestyle of the Euro-Asian and Middle Eastern People. I saw food in a different light and how they have preserved their food culture. They almost have a story guiding every recipe; the different tribes that make up this region have some sort of food foothold in their day-to-day meals. The Persian, the Kurds, Turks and Azeri food culture can be on a table as a spread at a time鈥� And even in the many colonisations and wars they may have experienced, their food is very dear to them.鈥�

In recognition of her interest in and promotion of Azerbaijani food culture, she received an honorary award from the country.

That visit also highlighted one of the misconceptions about Nigerian cuisine despite its growing global appeal. According to Ojo, Nigerian cuisine is still missing one important ingredient.

鈥淪tories! People like to hear the whys and hows. This is what I have seen in other cultures, especially with my travels. Ingredients are defined, stories are told. But when even the cook or the person who is presenting does not know the history or story behind the ingredient or meal they have just made, it cannot be properly presented. So, our cooks, our chefs and everyone in the food space have to take that extra step to know the hows and whys.

In a way, she sees the work she does with Foodies and Spice as a form of cultural preservation.

鈥淭hat is what I have spent the last 13 years and counting doing in my studio space. Showcasing food culture on TV and online. Also taking time to create fusions and new recipes because if our ancestors left us some recipes, we should be able to pass them down, including new recipes to those after us.鈥�

The impact of Foodies and Spice has not gone unnoticed. Over the years, the programme has earned several accolades, including the Viewers鈥� Choice Award for Best Brand/糖心视频 Food Programme on Television at the Nigerian Broadcasters Merit Awards in 2014, as well as an ELOY Award for Food Vlogger/Entrepreneur, among other recognitions.

Ojo is also the organiser of the Foodaholic Festival, one of Nigeria鈥檚 largest gatherings of food enthusiasts. The annual event brings together food vendors, fast-moving consumer goods (FMCG) companies, SMEs in food production and services, food bloggers and influencers, creating a vibrant platform for celebrating Nigeria鈥檚 culinary culture. Fans of Foodies and Spice also participate in food-themed competitions and interactive activities. Held on Lagos Mainland, the festival attracts more than 5,000 attendees each year.

Ojo鈥檚 love for food is equally seen in other TV programmes she has developed. One of them is Feed Your Love, an experiential platform that allows brands to engage directly with consumers through wedding celebrations across Nigeria. The content generated from these events is adapted into television and online episodes. She also created Toast to Love, a spin-off programme tailored to the beverage industry, further expanding her portfolio of lifestyle and food-related content.

鈥淚 believe so much in love,鈥� she said, explaining her interest in love-themed programmes. 鈥淎nd I think humans are really beginning to forget how important love is in living and enjoying planet earth. We keep chasing the things that are not so important.鈥�

While she is still chasing many dreams (she hinted at launching a children鈥檚 brand soon), the legacy she is most looking forward to lies in Foodies and Spice.

鈥淔oodies and Spice is going to be the go-to archive for both the old and modern food culture in Nigeria,鈥� she said confidently.

鈥淭hink Nigerian food stories, you will think of Foodies and Spice. It will cut across Nigerian tribes and, just as it鈥檚 already been, a place where young Nigerians who may not have had the privilege to experience Nigerian food at home can find food, ingredients, recipes, and stories that will shape their own food journeys.鈥�

Femi Fani-Kayode

Happy birthday to my dear friend and brother Hon. Femi Gbajabiamilla, the Chief of Staff to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the former Speaker of the Federal House of Representatives.

We grew up together with the likes of Folabie Caxton Martins, Wole Atunrase (both of whom lived just round the corner from you in Surulere), Deremie Ajidahun and so many others in those heady yet great days of the 1970鈥檚 and 1980鈥檚 in Lagos and London and have been closer than brothers for at least 50 years.

In all that time you have never let me or any of us down and you have always displayed nothing but loyalty and sincerity to those you grew up with and your childhood friends.

I remember your scathing criticism of the late and great Chief Bola Ige when you and I first started politics in 1990 and after he ran down the concept of 鈥渘ewbreed politicians鈥� which the Government of that day introduced and promoted.

I remember the day you came back from America in 2004 with your beautiful wife, Saa, after many years of living abroad and your visit to President Olusegun Obasanjo at the Villa to tell him that you and her were back and that you would be living in Abuja.

I remember the restaurant and bar you and madame opened in Abuja a few years later where all those that mattered used to gather and make merry.

I remember when you were first elected into the House of Representatives and, even though we belonged to different political parties at the time, how elated I and all your other old friends and brothers were that you had won.

I remember watching the great loyalty and commitment you displayed to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu from 1993, through the NADECO days, through the time he was Governor of Lagos state and up until the time he was elected president and how you stuck with him through thick and thin.

I remember the unadulterated and rare display of love you always displayed and still display towards your dear mother, our Mama (who was my late mother鈥檚 friend and a great politician in her own right) and towards your dear wife.

These are memories that I have of you and few know that behind your sometimes stern and officious look lies a very soft, kind and caring heart.

I remember the great and fiery speech you made at my 47th birthday dinner party at in Lagos in 2007 when I was Minister of Aviation and how you spoke so well of me whilst at the same time and in the same speech you courageously criticised the president and government that I served!

I remember the equally fiery speech I made at your birthday dinner party a few years later in Abuja in 2011 when you were a member of the House of Representatives and just after the election of our old friend, Hon. Aminu Tambuwal as the Speaker of the House. 

I remember saying on that day that your time would come to be Speaker and to go to even greater heights in our nation and my words proved to be prophetic.

Most important of all I remember your sheer humanity and your extraordinary courage when it comes to speaking your mind and the bitter truth even to your closest friends.

You are a profoundly good man Femi and you know that I am not one that speaks lightly or is given to paying compliments unless I mean them.

Most importantly you have done a great job in public office and in service to our country over the years and I marvel about how far we have come together and how far you have gone.

We both grew up in Lagos and today we are neighbours in Maitama, Abuja! Whoever thought that this would be? God has been good to us all.

I have no doubt that there is still so much more that lies ahead for you my brother and, as always, my prayers are for and with you.

May God grant you many more years of peace, joy, good health, prosperity and service to our fatherland and may He continue to lead, guide and protect you and yours.

You have done us proud and by God鈥檚 grace you shall continue to go from strength to strength.

Have a great day my brother and know that you are loved, cherished and appreciated by many.

鈥� Fani-Kayode is a former Minister of Aviation

CAPTION: L-R: Gbajabiamila, Fanikayode and Ribadu