Regulators should do well to enforce building codes

Within a period of 24 hours last week, there were two fatal building collapses in Rivers and Lagos States. First, a five-storey building under construction collapsed in the Woji area of Port Harcourt, trapping several persons. A day later, a three-storey structure similarly collapsed in the Alakija area of Lagos. While no fewer than nine people have been reported dead from the two tragedies with dozens of others wounded, industry data reveal that between 60 and 75 major construction-related accidents occur in the country annually, with Lagos State accounting for half the number. As experts continue to cite weak regulatory oversight and non-compliance with approved building standards as factors for these building collapses, authorities in the sector must find a solution to this menace.

In other climes, buildings don’t just collapse every other day. That is because there are procedures to follow when constructing a building. But in Nigeria, these conventions/regulations are hardly adhered to because of poor enforcement of laws. “Most building collapses are not sudden incidents. They are known risks. The failure is not in detecting the problems but in enforcing the laws that should prevent them,” a chartered quantity surveyor and construction contracts administrator, Bolarinwa Dejonwo, said. “Buildings are designed for specific purposes. Once you change the use without proper structural assessment and regulatory approval, you expose occupants to serious danger.”

Cases of building collapse cut across offices, schools, residential areas, churches, and business premises. Yet, the construction of a building, according to the Nigerian Society of Structural Engineers, “is expected to be managed by qualified professionals including structural engineers, mechanical engineers, electrical engineers, architects, quantity surveyors,” among others. Authorities at all levels should therefore be concerned that too much blood is being spilled needlessly in Nigeria’s building industry for all sorts of reasons that even professionals in the sector recognise as avoidable. 

When 22 students died in Jos following the collapse of a two-storey building, the preliminary report of an investigating panel instituted by the Nigerian Building and Road Research Institute (NBRRI) was quite revealing. Headed by Frederick Job, a professor in the Building Department at the University of Jos, the panel revealed that the physical observation of the building looked distressed while weak materials were used for the building. The report also observed that the quality of the concrete used to construct the two-storey building was in doubt, as there was no boundary between the concrete and the steel reinforcement. Besides, the report noted the slab reinforcement anchorage provided for the structure was inadequate.

Meanwhile, lack of professionalism in the industry has led to unethical dealings like the use of cheap and inferior materials, improper supervision, distortion of original building plans. For instance, a 10-year-old two-storey building had five floors added to it without approval. According to a statement by the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), preliminary information on the Port Harcourt tragedy “suggests that approval was reportedly granted for a three-storey building, while the ongoing construction had allegedly exceeded the approved design through the addition of extra floors.” This is a recurring story for most of the building collapses that we have witnessed in recent years.

As we have consistently advocated, there is an urgent need for a complete overhaul of the nation’s building and construction regulations. A policy should be put in place whereby any professional connected with a collapsed building should forfeit their license and face the full weight of the law. The land upon which the collapsed building was erected should be forfeited to the government. Buildings marked for demolition by town planning authorities should be demolished without delay. Unless drastic steps are taken and building codes implemented to the letter, the nation will continue to witness these avoidable serial disasters. 

Agora Policy delivers digital information for informed public oversight

Last Thursday in Abuja, policymakers and members  of the civil society gathered for the unveiling of two critical platforms by Agora Policy: The ‘Policy Registry’ and the ‘Local Governance Accountability (LGA) portal’. The digital platforms, developed with support from MacArthur Foundation, are geared towards giving the Nigerian public relevant tools to become more active players in the policy space themselves and to hold policymakers to account.

While we commend Agora Policy for the initiative, we must remind the public that Nigeria’s governance deficit is not solely a product of bad leadership. It is also a product of bad information–the kind of structural opacity that makes it nearly impossible for citizens to know what their governments are doing, the amount of money each tier generates both from Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) and Internally Generated Revenues (IGR) and who is responsible for what.

The two portals (accessible at www.lgaportal.org and www.policyregistry.org) represent a serious attempt to shift the terms of civic engagement in Nigeria. Together, they address different layers of the same problem: that public information, which should be freely accessible, has historically been scattered, gatekept, or simply unavailable. The LGA Portal is the more urgent of the two, and for good reason. This is the tier of government responsible for primary healthcare, basic education, local infrastructure, sanitation, and rural development, but it has long operated without any meaningful public oversight. And it remains the least effective.

The LGA portal has set out to provide a single, searchable repository of the allocations by Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) to all 774 local government areas from May 1999 to date, tracking over ₦3.88 trillion across more than 322 months of data. For instance, a resident of Ibeju-Lekki or Kumbotso can now look up exactly how much money their local council received in any given month over the past two decades and compare it with neighbouring councils. A journalist investigating corruption in a particular LGA can pull historical allocation data in minutes rather than filing freedom of information requests that may never be answered. A civil society organisation monitoring local governance can use the portal’s visualisation tools to identify patterns such as councils that consistently receive high allocations but show little development or structural funding gaps that explain why certain communities lag behind. Community leaders and members can use the data to have informed discussions with local officials about local needs and priorities. 

Beyond financial data, the portal also aggregates LGA profiles, land mass, population figures, headquarters locations, date of creation, and the names and party affiliations of elected officials. This last feature matters more than it may first appear. One of the reasons local government officials operate with impunity is that most Nigerians cannot name their chairpersons and councillors, let alone hold them accountable. A platform that makes this information available in a standardised, searchable format is a prerequisite for any meaningful community-level accountability.

The Policy Registry addresses a different but related gap. Nigeria’s policy landscape suffers from fragmentation: laws, regulations, executive orders, and sector-specific policy documents are scattered across official websites, gazette archives, and private collections, with no single authoritative source. The registry consolidates these documents, spanning sectors from petroleum to health to agriculture, into one searchable, downloadable database. For researchers, analysts, journalists, and even policymakers themselves, this reduces the time and cost of policy work considerably.

What Agora Policy and its partners have done with these platforms is to bring further legibility to the policy landscape in Nigeria and to further empower citizens and civic groups with additional tools to hold duty bearers to account. The next step is to ensure that civil society, the media, and citizens actually use these platforms and use them well to bring about meaningful changes in the Nigerian society. 

Small scale businesses deserve adequate attention

Globally, the micro, small and medium scale enterprises (MSMEs) sector constitutes the spine of most national economies because, as small industry operators, they weather and overcome several challenges to grow and keep jobs for the locals. It was therefore most fitting that the official theme designated by the United Nations Industrial Development Organisation (UNIDO) for the 2026 MSME Day was “Empowering MSMEs through Innovation and Sustainable Industrial Development.” It is important that all relevant authorities in the country move from rhetoric to concrete actions on how to lift the majority of our people out of poverty.

Ordinarily, MSMEs account for 90 per cent of businesses, 60 to 70 per cent of employment and 50 per cent of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) worldwide, according to the World Bank. In Nigeria, the Small and Medium Enterprises Development of Nigeria (SMEDAN) reports that MSMEs currently represent 96 per cent of the businesses in the country and contribute 75 per cent of the national employment. Unfortunately, this is a sector that has been neglected in Nigeria. Although SMEDAN has launched a N500 million zero-interest for MSMEs in the country, many such similar initiatives have ended up as slush funds for political operatives.

 While announcing the effort as part of the package for MSME Day last Saturday, SMEDAN Director-General, Charles Odii, said the association-based model will improve accountability, loan recovery and ensure the funds reach genuine business owners. “We visited traders at one of the markets today to engage directly with them because it is not enough to sit in offices and make policies without understanding their realities,” Odii said. “Many of the challenges they raised border on financing, which is why we are launching the Grow Fund for Small ������Ƶes in Nigeria.” Meanwhile, experts have also identified strengthening the regulatory framework and designing effective support mechanisms as some of the issues that need to be addressed.  

 However, we do not dispute that the main challenge has always been financing since the conventional banks are not cut out for long term lending needed by MSMEs in the country. It is equally known that these banks are mostly comfortable to lend to short-term business ventures as against start-ups who would need a longer gestation period to pay back. According to most estimates, fewer than five per cent of the MSMEs can access any form of funding support by way of loans or overdraft from financial institutions.

The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) had in the past established numerous programmes to support the MSMEs but with little to show for such efforts. For instance, in August 2013, the CBN launched the micro, small and medium enterprises development fund (MSMEDF) with a share capital of N220 billion. The Fund aims to enhance the access of MSMEs to financial services, by channelling single-digit loans at a nine per cent interest rate to them, through the Primary Finance Institutions (PFIs). When the intended end users could not access the facility, the National Collateral Registry (NCR) was introduced. Yet, the problem persists. 

The Nigeria Incentive-Based Risk Sharing System for Agricultural Lending (NIRSAL Plc.) was created by the CBN with the idea to transform NIPOST into a microfinance bank with branches in all the 774 local government areas of the country. Incorporated in 2013 by the CBN, the Bankers Committee and the Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development, NIRSAL de-risks the agriculture value chain and enables banks to lend to the sector at rates of between 7.5 to 10.5 per cent. But this limitless potential for inclusive and sustainable economic growth that could be harvested from MSMEs remains largely untapped.

Yet, by sustaining the livelihoods for the very poor among us, MSMEs are the backbone of our society. And they deserve the support of the government at all levels.

 The Ekiti election bodes well for democracy

In the just concluded Ekiti State Governorship election, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) acquitted itself fairly credibly. The recording and electronic upload of results was prompt and free from the usual flip flops. The completion of the entire process and announcement of final results was also prompt and with little acrimony so far. The same pattern was observed in the six (federal and state) legislative by-elections conducted by the Commission across five geo-political zones in the country.

At the end, voters exercised their franchise largely without disruption. The police and other law enforcement agencies did their work professionally. Election materials were deployed on time to polling units while INEC officials were also responsive to duty as they followed established protocols for accreditation and voting, contributing to the general orderly process. The Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) came into good reckoning. In the Ekiti gubernatorial election, except for glitches in a few locations where accreditation was delayed, the BVAS worked at an optimal level. Perhaps even more notable was the uploading of polling unit results to the INEC Result Viewing Portal (IReV) which progressed admirably well. According to reports, over 85 per cent of polling unit results were uploaded by 7:30pm on Election Day.

However, while we congratulate the re-elected Biodun Oyebanji who secured a decisive victory across the 16 local government areas thus becoming the first governor to win back-to-back in the state, the election has raised once again familiar concerns about the current state of our democracy. As in many recent elections and by-elections, voter turnout was low, at about 30 per cent of registered and accredited voters. This low turnout is a factor of increasing alienation of voters and rising distrust of government and the capacity of democracy to enthrone responsible and accountable governance. The rancorous partisan atmosphere has also left the electorate more confused and less interested in the ritual of voting. In Ekiti, barely 385,000 people voted among almost one million registered voters, a dismal trend that has for long underlined our electoral process across the country. The trend raises salient questions about the essence of government.

Quite troubling too were incidents of voter inducement recorded during the election. It is unfortunate that vote buying has become a dominant variable in our elections, even with all its negative impact on the country’s democratic space. Indeed, Yiaga Africa, a civic observer during the elections, raised red flags over widespread vote-buying, stressing that while election administration has improved, “vote buying and management lapses remain serious threats to Nigeria’s electoral integrity.” And despite the posturing by the opposition, all the parties were deeply involved, according to most reports.

This disturbing trend needs to be tackled by law enforcement agencies so as to ensure that politicians do not exploit mass poverty to transform democratic mandate into a merchandise available to the highest bidder. But all factors considered, there is little doubt about the outcome of the election. It was pleasing to notice less acrimony among the political elite of Ekiti in the run up to the election. This factor may have contributed to the peaceful atmosphere before and after the election. What INEC must recognise is that Ekiti is in a regional environment where there is little contestation of the geopolitical and predictable partisan leaning of the populace.

As we therefore move gradually towards the 2027 general election, there should be strict compliance to electoral regulations by all the political actors. It is also important for security agencies to plot strategies on how to deter vote buying. In addition, INEC should be on top of issues that could undermine public confidence in the electoral institutions. For instance, the commission will do well to come clean on the controversy surrounding the unauthorised exposure of the voter registration details of a citizen on social media by a partisan public official. Culprits must be identified and brought to justice.

Overall, the relative success of the Ekiti governorship election points more to the bright prospects for Nigerian democracy. The challenge is to isolate and multiply the positives and use them to make the 2027 general election. That is perhaps the only way to restore public confidence in our electoral process.

The authorities should strengthen drug control policies

In its determination to strengthen action and cooperation to achieve the goal of an international society free of drug abuse, the United Nations General Assembly decided on 7 December 1987 to observe 26 June as the International Day against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking. As Nigeria therefore joins the rest of the world for this year’s edition, it is important for stakeholders to understand that we are in the throes of a major public health emergency.

We must commend the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) under the leadership of Brigadier General Muhammad Buba Marwa (rtd) for fighting the scourge. But there can be no denying the fact that the challenge is enormous. Just this week, the NDLEA reportedly uncovered a large-scale clandestine methamphetamine production facility hidden in a forest in Oyo state. A month ago, NDLEA operatives had dismantled a similar laboratory in a forest in Ogun State. Methamphetamine is a central nervous system stimulant that is primarily used as a recreational or performance-enhancing drug. Five suspects, including a Mexican national allegedly recruited to oversee the operation, were arrested.

To be sure, the use of drugs outside prescription is all pervasive, particularly among the youths. This is due partly to lack of a proper regulation in the health facilities as well as in the dispensing of medicines. Over the years, Nigeria has become an open market where almost every drug can be obtained across the counter. The porous borders encourage all manner of drugs to be shipped in, and where many of the dealers are traders with bare knowledge of public health consequences of their products. Indeed, the first ever nation-wide survey on drug use in Nigeria revealed gross abuse of drug substances, particularly by those in the age bracket of 15 and 64. Even more worrying, close to three million of these young persons are drug-dependent but cannot access help due to lack of health facilities. 

The abuse of drugs in Nigeria is aided by parental neglect, peer pressure and the all-pervading poverty and unemployment. Many frustrated and unemployed young people resort to many of these street drugs for their relaxing and euphoric effects. A synthetic opioid analgesic used to treat moderate to severe pain is said to be one of the most abused drugs. Cough syrups like codeine and others are also seriously implicated among the abused drugs by both sexes – either as a stimulant or for depressant purposes.

There are no reliable statistics, but there is no doubt that drug abuse has been linked to the continued upsurge in criminal activities across the country. Many cases of rape, cultism, kidnapping for ransom, armed robbery, banditry and even car crashes feed on the ready availability of many of the hard drugs in the street. The menace has created an unacceptable burden on individuals, families, communities, and societies. As the Director General of the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC) Professor Mojisola Adeyeye put it, drug abuse is undermining efforts to deepen socio-economic development and “is associated with crime and lawlessness.” 

  According to the report once conducted by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) in collaboration with the National Bureau of Statistics and funded by the European Union, about 14 per cent of the population abused drugs in the previous year, a figure more than twice the world’s average of 5.6 per cent. It is therefore time authorities in Nigeria woke up to this challenge that poses danger to the future of the country. More should be done to create awareness on the danger of drug abuse. And as most experts have suggested, the authorities should strengthen drug control policies while more counselling and treatment services should be created for those already hooked.  

All stakeholders should do more to contain the scourge

The death of a medical doctor in Benue State following complications from Lassa fever should serve as another wake-up call on the need to tackle a preventable disease that kills hundreds of our nationals every year. According to the Benue State Commissioner for Health and Human Services, Paul Ejeh-Ogwuche, the deceased medical practitioner who worked with the AIDS Prevention Initiative in Nigeria, had battled the illness for over two weeks before his condition worsened. Meanwhile, the latest Case Fatality Rate (CFR) from the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control and Prevention (NCDC) reveals that death toll from the outbreak of Lassa fever in the country has climbed to over 200, with health authorities warning on increasing infections across several states.

While we commiserate with the family of the deceased medical doctor, it is noteworthy that Lassa fever has been a serious health challenge in Nigeria since it was first diagnosed in Lassa (the village after which it was named) in Borno State in 1969. The symptoms include fever, sore throat, vomiting, back pain, cough, abdominal pain, and general body weakness about three weeks after exposure to the virus. The disease is primarily transmitted to humans through infected rats or through the bodily fluids of infected persons. Even though there have been efforts in the past to contain the scourge, the country has been witnessing frequent outbreaks in recent years. This, according to the World Health Organisation (WHO) “could be attributed to reduced response capacity in surveillance and laboratory testing.”

Not only is it egregious that Nigerians die needlessly from a preventable disease like Lassa fever, what the latest figures indicate is that if indeed there have been any preventive strategies, they are not working. Early detection and prompt treatment remain critical to survival. But to contain the preventable disease that claims the lives of dozens of our citizens on an annual basis, individuals and authorities in the health sector need to do more work.

 For that reason, steps should be taken by the government, at all levels, to emphasise routine infection prevention and control measures. Healthcare workers should be more careful to avoid contact with bodily fluids in the process of caring for sick persons. Besides,  experts have advised that people should ensure their food is properly covered while regular handwashing should be adhered to always. The bush around the home should also be cleared regularly while windows and doors of the house should be closed, especially when it is nighttime. The public should be adequately enlightened on the dangers posed by rats in their homes.

With the enormous resources available to them now, authorities in the 36 states and 774 local government areas should be able to mount sensitive campaigns about the disease that is also endemic in many of our neigbouring countries.

 We need concerted efforts from all stakeholders, but more especially the government. We hope the authorities will take both preventive and long-term measures so that we do not continue to lose our citizens to the virus that has for decades been an emblem of shame.

The public should be adequately enlightened on the dangers posed by rats in their homes

  Workers take-home pay should be raised

Amid rising inflation and increased living costs, the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) has been agitating for a significant wage raise to reflect the prevailing economic realities. In apparent response to the workers’ persistent demand, the Nigeria Governors’ Forum (NGF) has proposed N100,000. But the NLC has dismissed the offer as insignificant. “We consider it thoughtful of the Kwara State Governor (and NGF Chairman, AbdulRahman Abdulrazak) to propose this,” said Labour spokesman Benson Upah, “but certainly, N100,000 falls far below the realistic figure.” Instead, the NLC is asking for a N1 million monthly minimum wage that has also triggered divergent views.

In July 2024, the federal government approved a new national minimum wage of N70,000 after prolonged negotiations with organised labour. But the call for another wage review intensified almost immediately amid worsening economic conditions. The removal of fuel subsidies and the floating of the naira led to significant depreciation of the national currency leading to skyrocketing transportation costs and food prices, and precipitating a sharp erosion of real wages. The economic hardship is further worsened by increases in electricity tariffs and the impact of recent tax measures. Another ground often advanced to support review of wages is that the Nigerian workforce is comparatively in the category of the least paid in Africa. So pitiable is the take home salary of a Nigerian worker that it pales in comparison to what workers in Ghana, Kenya, South Africa and Angola earn in the salary equation.

However, while many acknowledge that workers deserve better welfare as a result of soaring inflation, they are also acutely aware that excessive increases would only worsen inflationary pressures and further erode purchasing power of the people. Improving workers’ welfare requires broader economic reforms aimed at reducing inflation, improving productivity and enhancing the business environment. The chief executive officer of the Centre for the Promotion of Private Enterprise (CPPE), Muda Yusuf, said while wage adjustments are necessary and often justified, “but in an economy characterised by persistent inflationary pressures, structural bottlenecks and weak public service delivery, nominal wage increases are frequently eroded within a short period.”  

The organised private sector has indeed cautioned that drastically raising wages could result in further price hikes. Beyond wage negotiation, many stakeholders are urging government, labour unions and policymakers to also address issues of insecurity, unstable power supply and foreign exchange challenges, which are all drivers of economic hardship among workers. Besides, a minimum wage is the lowest amount of salary that employers of labour, whether in the private or public sector, can legally pay their employees, so it is not only about government. Many small-scale businesses will collapse under the weight of any unrealistic minimum wage. Indeed, many are not paying the present minimum wage to their workers. Even several state governments are yet to brace up to paying the current minimum wage of N70,000, given their meagre internally generated revenue (IGR) or outlandish lifestyles. Few states like Imo and Lagos are paying a little above the present wage, but many others are yet to fully implement other key provisions, including consequential adjustments for senior workers, and extension of coverage to local government staff, primary school teachers, and health workers. Only last month the NLC directed workers in states yet to fully implement the 2024 national minimum wage to hold protests on May Day, 2026.

We are however delighted that the NGF is seriously considering the issue of raising the minimum wage. And as standard practice, they must consult with the organised private sector and organised labour to reach a consensus. The living conditions of many Nigerians should be upscaled by paying wages that will entitle them to a decent life. Government must make deliberate efforts to tackle the increasing challenge of poverty.

All stakeholders must do more to safeguard widows from social injustices

The 2026 International Widows Day (IWAD) which comes up today should compel critical stakeholders in the country to the unique challenges of widowhood, especially at a period when many women are losing their husbands to sundry criminal cartels. These challenges of widowhood include poverty, cultural stigmatisation, lack of inheritance rights and others that have been highlighted by the United Nations which has adopted the campaign message, ‘Invisible Women, Invisible Problems’. As Nigerians therefore join the rest of the world to mark the 2026 IWD, critical stakeholders must work to end the impediments against women who lose their husbands.

  Access to justice and poverty combine to leave many widows in the country suffering from silence, stigma and shame, and education does not seem to insulate any woman. Across many communities, according to Ochiawunma Akwiwu-Ibe, a United States-based public health pediatrician with over 20 years of experience, Nigerian widows continue to suffer ritual seclusion and isolation, forced mourning rites, public humiliation, property dispossession, emotional and psychological abuse and coercive rituals to prove that they were not responsible for their husbands’ death. “The details vary. The outcome is the same,” Akwiwu-Ibe stated. “Women who are already grieving are made to suffer even more.”

The Violence Against Persons Act (VAPP) signed into law in 2015 by President Goodluck Jonathan includes provisions on the plight of widows. According to Section 15 of the law, any person who subjects a widow to harmful traditional practices commits an offence and liable on conviction to a term of imprisonment not exceeding two years or a fine not exceeding N500,000 or both. The law also criminalises attempts to subject widows to such harmful practices. A few states have also enacted legislation in support of widows’ rights. But most of these laws are observed in breach. From being made to undergo barbaric ritual practices to being disposed of joint property by greedy in-laws or losing their inheritance if they remarry, the patriarchal nature of our society makes life difficult for widows.

The International Widows Day was established by the United Nations General Assembly in 2010, to address the social injustices faced by millions of widows around the world and to promote their rights. To safeguard Nigerian widows from denial of property rights, forced marriage and other practices that undermine their dignity and general wellbeing, there have been moves by some members of the National Assembly to amend the VAPP Act 2015 to incorporate more provisions.

In many communities in Nigeria today, widowhood is associated with trauma and isolation. Some of the customary laws and cultural norms that affect our widows, according to the founder of Widows Development Organisation (WIDO), Dr Eleanor Nwadinobi, include harmful traditional practices such as forced shaving of the hair, varying periods of confinement and stigmatising dress codes. We are also increasingly dealing with wives of the disappeared in the context of conflicts, for whom there is no closure. But beyond socio-cultural factors, what is more concerning is that there seems to be a conspiracy by commercial banks in the country to deny widows their claim to the money left behind by their husbands.

While we enjoin Nigerians to imbibe the idea of having a Will in case of sudden unexpected death, it is unfortunate that many banks in the country are still introducing stringent conditions for widows to access money in their husbands’ accounts, even when they are designated as next-of-kins. We hope the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) will intervene on this vexatious matter. We also call on authorities, at all levels, and members of the civil society to rise in defence of widows in Nigeria.

The nation’s present socio-economic environment could be a predisposing factor to depression

A former President of the Association of Psychiatrists of Nigeria, Prof Taiwo Obindo, warned recently that the increasing economic hardship and rising insecurity in the country were pushing more Nigerians towards developing mental illness, including anxiety and depression. He joined other experts who argue that even when most mental illnesses are treatable, with some conditions requiring only psychological intervention, expensive out-of-pocket payment for healthcare now drives many Nigerians diagnosed with mental illnesses away from orthodox care to alternative healers with dire consequences.

Before Obindo’s warning, medical practitioners under the aegis of the Society of Family Physicians of Nigeria (SOFPON) had raised the alarm that seven million Nigerians are living with depression, a major risk factor for suicide. They also called for well-structured Primary Healthcare Centres that would help detect and treat depression early before the onset of suicide attempts. Even without any research to examine some of the causes with a view to finding remedies, the socio-political environment tells a compelling story of its own. Given the growing incidence of suicide among Nigerians, the authorities must listen to these professionals on the need to find ways of dealing with depression before they trigger suicide in the patients.

In Nigeria today, the plight of the under-privileged is steadily worsening and many go to bed with less than a survival diet. The unemployment crisis has created a lost generation of graduates who cannot find jobs. Yet it is an established fact that impoverished individuals are a major risk group for depression. And depression, according to experts, is the most common reason why people commit suicide. It is therefore no surprise that the nation’s present socio-economic environment could be a predisposing factor to depression and perhaps suicide.

Indeed, there is enormous emotional and financial stress as well as pervading poverty and hopelessness everywhere. From the North to the South of the country, reported cases of suicide, not to mention the variety of those who use themselves as human bombs, are varied and now on the increase. However, there are also other reasons why people take their own lives and devastate members of their family and friends with shock. They include underlying mental disorders such as schizophrenia and excessive alcoholism. Drug abuse plays significant role in triggering suicidal thoughts. Schizophrenia is a disease with a wide range of weird symptoms like hallucinations, inner voices, disordered thinking and irrational fears and “emotions that seem out of tune with reality”.

Today, the use of hard drugs—particularly Indian hemp, cocaine and even methamphetamine are commonplace in the society—drugs whose adverse effects range from depression to suicide. Indeed, manic depression, an emotional seesaw, oscillating between exhilarating highs and devastating lows, is cited as one the reasons why there is so much insanity out there in the streets. But it would appear that neither the society nor the critical agencies of government are paying attention to this malaise. Nigeria is becoming a country where so many things that were in the past considered taboo now happen virtually every day—and these include the extreme act of deliberately taking one’s life. Indeed, reports on suicide involving Nigerians have grimly moved from an occasional blip to a very disturbing trend.

Fortunately, breakthroughs in science and medicine have brought hope that many mental patients can lead normal and productive lives. So are suicide victims if help can reach them early enough. Depression, one of the main culprits of suicides is treatable. This is why we call on all authorities to take out for rehabilitation the mentally challenged who roam the streets. Public officials at all levels should also by way of good governance pay serious attention to the constraints that could trigger suicidal thoughts in many of our nationals.

The Amendment Bill will undermine the vision of a decentralised electricity market

Electricity regulators under the aegis of State Electricity Regulatory Commissions (SERCs) have warned that the proposed Electricity Act 2023 Amendment Bill 2026, could reverse hard-won reforms in the sector and defeat the idea of a federal structure. In a memorandum submitted to the Senate Committee on Power, these regulators argued that the amendment bill “threatens the constitutional and regulatory foundations” that enabled states to begin building their own electricity markets and the constitutional amendments that expanded sub-national powers in the sector.

We recall that on 17 March 2023, late President Muhammadu Buhari assented to the 5th Alteration Bills, 2023, thus devolving power from the Exclusive Legislative List to Concurrent Legislative List. Combined with the consequential Electricity Act enacted same year, that presidential assent fully decentralised electricity supply industry in Nigeria, making it possible for states to participate in its generation, transmission, and distribution. Since then, no fewer than 16 states have passed laws to establish their state electricity markets, with Enugu taking the lead.

Despite the huge resources poured into the sector by successive administrations over many decades, a nation of well over 200 million people is still struggling to break the 4,000MW jinx. Not even the privatisation of the sector has helped matters. Meanwhile, many businesses have been forced to fold, while some have relocated to neighbouring and rival African countries to produce and ship back to Nigeria’s large market. The Electricity Act 2023 therefore represents the much-touted restructuring in action and a very welcome development for the Nigerian power sector, especially for a country that is writhing in the pains of power poverty.

However, this glimmer of hope in the power sector appears to be dimming with the Electricity Act (Amendment) Bill, 2026, which has already passed a Second Reading in the Senate and awaiting a public hearing. The regulators, representing electricity commissions and bureaux from Abia, Anambra, Bayelsa, Edo, Ekiti, Enugu, Gombe, Imo, Kogi, Lagos, Nasarawa, Niger, Ogun, Ondo, Oyo and Plateau States, contend that the proposed amendments amount to a return to centralised control when many of the states were already attracting investments and establishing independent frameworks to address the challenge of electricity supply in Nigeria.

Indeed, a critical review of the Electricity Act (Amendment) Bill would reveal clear attempts to erode or dilute the regulatory independence and/or powers of the SERCs as well as undermine the vision of a fully decentralised, contract-based electricity market as envisaged under the Electricity Act 2023. For instance, Section 63 of the proposed Amendment Bill erodes the authority of SERCs by removing their explicit power to license mini-grid operators and allied institutions. Worse still, the Bill seeks to return NERC as the exclusive authority over activities on the national grid system and interstate electricity operations.

Section 230C (1) (a) provides that states may regulate electricity fully within their borders only if the supply is not linked to the national grid. Section 230(c) (2) of the Amendment Bill equally restores to NERC the sole authority in critical areas like tariffs, consumer rights, technical codes, and anti-trust issues. Besides, the safety role of the National Electricity Management Services Agency (NEMSA) will become national and override state efforts as can be inferred from Section 230(c) (3) of the Amendment Bill.
Other concerns are the implied supremacy of NERC in dispute resolution, ambiguity and uncertainty in existing licenses and contracts in Section 230C (4–6), and the potential erosion of investor confidence arising from a rollback of state powers and the re-centralisation tendencies that would naturally signal regulatory instability and policy reversals. This is especially so for investors that have already committed resources based on the decentralised framework of the Electricity Act 2023.
We agree with the concerns being expressed by the states. The Amendment Bill has indeed arrogated more powers and control to the NERC by way of approval, making rules, setting out guidelines and participating in the distribution and trading of electricity space that is strictly for the SERCs. The Amendment Bill will recentralise control under NERC and stall the growth of truly subnational electricity markets. We note that the law is still very young and has done so well so far. Why the hurry to fix what is not broken? 

 Government should do well to heed the warning

The recent warning by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) about Nigeria’s mounting public debt is concerning. While projecting that the country’s public external debt could surge from $51.9 billion in 2025 to $72.6 billion by 2027, the IMF has cautioned that 2027 general election spending, food insecurity as well as complex and opaque borrowing structures are heavily straining public finances. Specifically, the IMF has cautioned against a proposed $5 billion Total Return Swap (TRS) with a UAE lender (First Abu Dhabi Bank), stating that such complex derivatives could expose the country to severe margin calls if the naira weakens. We hope the federal government will heed the warning.

While admitting that the reforms undertaken by the current administration have strengthened macroeconomic stability and improved the country’s ability to withstand external shocks, the IMF warns that weak revenue mobilisation, expenditure slippages, contingent liabilities, etc., could worsen the debt outlook if not carefully managed. Meanwhile, the World Bank had similarly expressed a similar concern over the debt service to revenue ratio, saying that reduced earnings might render the country’s debt unsustainable. We are also worried by the frequency of borrowing by the federal and state governments as many analysts continue to sound a note of caution that the country may be heading for another debt trap if restraint is not exercised.

We must recall that in 2005, Nigeria successfully negotiated a complicated debt write-off deal of about $18 billion after a cash payment of approximately $12 billion to free the nation from the Paris Club debts of over $30 billion, most of which were accumulated interests and charges. A chunk of these loans was secured in the 1980s to fund what turned out to be white elephant projects and the profligacy of the various administrations at that time. The current perception of the populace is that government has failed to plug the leakages and wastes, which over the years have become institutionalised in the states.

The total public debt for the country hit N159. 27 trillion by the end of 2025, according to the Debt Management Office (DMO). This debt profile consists of the domestic and external debt stocks of the federal and subnational governments — the 36 states and the federal capital territory (FCT). There have been more borrowings since then, mostly for suspicious projects. We are even more worried by the debts being accumulated in the states. Ordinarily, if the aim was to help many of them bridge the gap between what they receive from the federation account and their developmental needs in the areas of infrastructure, health, education, power and transportation, it would have been a laudable idea. That is currently not the case. Besides, questions are being raised on the necessity for more borrowing at a period when huge resources accrue to the states from the federation account following the removal of fuel subsidy and merging of Naira exchange rates.

Meanwhile, the indices of poverty everywhere make it difficult for us to understand the choices being made by government officials at all levels and the recklessness that drives some of the projects on which the loans are expended. Many of them are outrightly bizarre in conception and clearly irresponsible in terms of the funds expended on them. More worrisome is the fact that these debts being piled up for future generations of Nigerians are expended on projects that bring little or no returns. Clearly, many of these debts are not being taken to meet the needs of the people but rather as a conduit for all manner of economic mischief.

In response to deep security concerns associated with the country’s vast forests, President Bola Tinubu launched the Presidential Forest Guards Initiative barely a year ago. Some 7,000 trained guards were deployed across Northern states of Borno, Sokoto, Yobe, Adamawa, Niger, Kwara, and Kebbi to secure the forest reserves and flush out terrorists and kidnappers. Following a renewed wave of kidnappings involving over 80 schoolchildren and teachers in Borno and Oyo States, the President announced the recruitment and deployment of additional 1,000 forest guards to take out criminals from Oyo forests. But many are raising questions about the operational efficiency of these forest guards.

 Established under the strategic direction of the National Security Adviser in collaboration with the Ministry of Environment, the Nigerian Forest Guard is essentially out to protect the forests from criminal activities. Unlike traditional forest rangers focused on conservation, the guards are supposed to be well-trained, armed and work in tandem with other security agencies including the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC). “The forest guards are not merely individuals in uniform,” said the National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu at the graduation ceremony last December. “They serve as first responders, community protectors and crucial elements of Nigeria’s security framework. Their role will be pivotal in ensuring safety, gathering intelligence and assisting other security agencies in reclaiming territories seized by criminals.” To do this effectively, they are also required to collaborate with the Nigerian Hunter and Forest Security Service (NHFSS), renamed the Nigerian Forest Security Service (NFSS), to leverage knowledge of local hunters who are familiar with the local environment.

Unfortunately, even if it is still in infancy, the impact of the forest guards is hardly felt across the country. Many of the country’s 1,129 forest and reserves are still under the control of terrorists and kidnappers, who have continued to use them as bases to launch attacks on homes, travellers and schools.  As security forces pile pressure on reserves and forests in the Northwest and Northeastern states, many of the terrorists are shifting and invading the forests in the North-central and southern parts of the country, using them to unleash terror day and night. They are camping out in places like the Kainji National Park, Old Oyo National Park, and others.

Today, every Nigerian seems to be living in terror spaces daily, as no time is safe, and no place is sacred. Only last week, former Military spokesman Major General Rabe Abubakar (rtd) died after two weeks in captivity, perhaps in the Rugu Forest along Katsina–Zamfara axis, one of the bandits-infested strongholds in the Northwest.  

In the aftermath of intense rural insecurity, and the Oriire kidnap incident in Oyo, many states are establishing localised forest guard units to curb activities of criminal gangs.  Kaduna State, where communities in the Birnin Gwari, Chikun, Kajuru, Giwa and Kachia local government areas have suffered devastating attacks by bandits, has readily embraced the initiative. So is Kwara where the guards were reportedly deployed in Kaiama, Edu, Patigi, Ifelodun and Ekiti local government areas, all security flashpoints where residents have repeatedly faced threats from kidnappers and other armed groups. Perhaps its deadliest incident occurred in September 2025 when armed attackers invaded Oke-Ode in Ifelodun local government area, killing no fewer than 12 forest guards and vigilantes.

 There is no doubt that the forest guards’ initiative, in collaboration with the security agencies, can help in containing the all-pervasive security challenge. Kenya’s wildlife and forest rangers significantly disrupted Al-Shabaab access to forested border corridors, while Indonesia’s forest police units played a critical role in neutralising extremist cells in dense terrain. If well-equipped, the forest guards can make a difference.

Major General Rabe Abubakar, former military spokesman, dies in captivity

Since January 2026, the country has witnessed a renewed upsurge in the murderous activities of bandits and Boko Haram insurgents, with attacks growing bolder and casualties climbing higher. From the abduction of school children and their teachers in Ogbomosho, Oyo State, to the sacking of communities in Kwara, Sokoto, Zamfara, Katsina and Niger States, Nigerians are daily reminded that the nation is under siege and nowhere is safe from the activities of these deadly marauders. As it is happening to other Nigerians, the roll call of high-calibre victims keeps increasing by the day. Tragically, the latest name etched on that grim register is retired Major General Rabe Abubakar, a former military spokesman who was abducted alongside his wife somewhere in Katsina State and confirmed dead after being held for about two weeks. Fortunately, the wife has been rescued.

We express our deepest condolences to the family of the deceased general. For about 35 years, Abubakar served in the Nigerian Army with distinction. He came into limelight as the Director of Defence Information and became the calm and measured voice of the military during some of its most turbulent periods. He briefed the nation through the heat of the counter-insurgency operations, defended the integrity of the Armed Forces before local and international media, and worked tirelessly to bridge the gap between soldiers in the trenches and citizens at home. He was a familiar voice to Nigerians during critical periods, articulating the military’s position with clarity and restraint. Officers and soldiers who served under Abubakar recall a man of discipline, intellect, and uncommon loyalty to the system.

Abducted on a quiet road in the state he once helped to secure, Abubakar waited for the rescue that never came. For 14 harrowing days, his family, colleagues, and the nation watched the clock. The end came not in a daring special force rescue operation, but in the hands of the criminals who held him hostage. That a General of the Nigerian Army, a man who once coordinated military communications across three services, could be abducted and kept in custody until he died mysteriously without consequence is a damning indictment of how far we have fallen as a nation. Nigerians are now confronted with the uncomfortable question: If an army General is not safe, who else is?

  Abubakar’s death is not an isolated tragedy. It is a grim reminder of a country haemorrhaging under repeated assaults and exposes the scale of a crisis that touches every Nigerian household. Insecurity has moved from the fringes to the centre of Nigerian life. Farmers have abandoned ancestral lands in Kebbi, Sokoto, Niger, Zamfara, Kwara and Benue States. The highways across the Northwest, Northeast and the Northcentral have become unsafe, same as schools and worship places in the rural communities. Bandits in multiple numbers roam around our forests in motorcycles brandishing automatic weapons and largescale ammunition with guts and confidence. Fear has become a national currency, and it is impoverishing us all.

Defeating this threat requires a more pragmatic approach. Authorities must prioritise intelligence-led operations, improve inter-agency coordination, and invest in real-time surveillance and community policing. The ungoverned spaces where these criminals breed must be reclaimed and dominated while political will must be matched by military firepower such that no terrain within Nigeria is too difficult to access. The tragic loss of Abubakar should jolt the people to demand more than the usual grief so that no other patriot dies waiting for a rescue that never comes. May the gentle soul of Major General Rabe Abubakar rest in peace.

Blood donation is good for the country’s health

Yesterday, 14 June, the 2026 Blood Donor Day was held with the theme, ‘One Drop of Humanity. Give Blood. Save Lives.’ Even when less than 10 per cent of Nigerians donate blood voluntarily and the country is currently reeling under the onslaught of serious shortage of safe blood products, there was not much awareness campaign to demonstrate seriousness on this issue. With a message that each voluntary donation is a powerful expression of solidarity and compassion, we call on Nigerians to cultivate the habit of voluntary blood donation, because of what it means to the health of our society.  

Statistics from the World Health Organisation (WHO) reveal that Nigeria needs an average of 1.8 million pints of blood annually whereas the National Blood Transfusion Service (NBTS) collects only 500,000 pints of blood, a shortfall of about 73.3 per cent. This has resulted in a situation in which most hospitals and patients in the country depend on commercial donors for their blood needs. In other countries, people usually donate blood voluntarily because it feels good to help others, and such altruism has been linked to a lower risk for depression and greater longevity. 

According to medical practitioners, those who need a blood transfusion include victims who have been involved in road accident and have lost blood, patients going for surgery and those with blood disorder, like sickle cell anaemia. There are also patients whose blood doesn’t clot (hereditary bleeding disease e. g. haemophilia) as well as children whose blood cells have been depleted by malaria. Cancer patients also use lots of blood as well as those with burns. Women on antenatal or about to deliver a baby use lot of blood while statistics have indeed revealed that women use at least 53 per cent of the blood that is collected. Men only use 47 per cent. “In Nigeria, 80-90 per cent of maternal mortality is as a result of bleeding complications that we are not able to manage due to shortage of blood,” according to Suleiman Akanmu, a Professor of Haematology and Blood Transfusion at the College of Medicine, University of Lagos. 

Unfortunately, whereas several other countries within the continent like Uganda, Egypt and Kenya have embraced 100 per cent voluntary, non-remunerated blood donation by their citizens, Nigerians have not imbibed the habit. Given that there is so much ignorance about blood donation in our country, there is a need for the relevant health authorities to partner with the media and the civil societies on the benefit of voluntary blood donation to the larger society. That will help to allay some of the myths and misconceptions associated with blood donation, especially given the belief in certain quarters that the donated blood could be used for rituals. An urgent public enlightenment is needed to address some of the fears often bandied.  

Medically, people who donate blood regularly are very healthy as such habit has no side effect. According to experts, the amount of blood usually taken from a person is only 450 mills, and a healthy individual has 10-12 times that quantity while the little that is taken would be generated back to the body within two to four weeks. What the foregoing suggests clearly is that it is very safe and indeed healthy to donate blood. We urge Nigerians, who ordinarily care for the welfare of their fellow citizens, to embrace the habit of voluntary donation so we can have a robust blood bank.   

  We hope the relevant health authorities will also ensure that donated blood is properly screened to avoid storing infected blood. 

 INEC should ensure the forthcoming elections are credible

There is a peculiar weight to a first impression, and the man who currently chairs the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is about to carry its heaviest version. When voters in seven states go to the polls on Saturday, Professor Joash Amupitan will not, strictly speaking, be conducting his first election. He has already presided over the Anambra governorship poll last November and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) area council elections in February. And he has not been shy about citing both as evidence of his commission’s competence. But June 20 is something else entirely. It will be the first time his INEC conducts six legislative elections across five zones in the country, and on the same date, the Ekiti State governorship election where the incumbent Governor Biodun Oyebanji of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) is contesting against candidates of 13 other political parties.

For the bye-elections, three of the seats became vacant through death. Enugu North lost Senator Okey Ezea last November; Nasarawa North lost Senator Godiya Akwashiki in December; and Rivers South-East lost Senator Barinada Mpigi early this year. The fourth senatorial seat, Ondo South, became vacant when Senator Jimoh Ibrahim resigned to take up appointment as Nigeria’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations. To these four are added the Dawakin Kudu/Warawa federal constituency in Kano State and the Zuru constituency in Kebbi State.

For several months, the people of these districts have gone without anyone to speak for them in the chambers to which they are entitled. The first purpose of June 20 is to restore that voice. And it deserves to be restored properly. But these are no easy elections. Bye-elections are precisely where the worst habits of our politics tend to hide, for the unglamorous reason that few people are watching. Turnout at our general elections is already dismal. In 2023, barely more than a quarter of registered voters cast a ballot in the presidential contest, the lowest figure in the history of the Fourth Republic. At a bye-election the numbers are smaller still, and a poll that turns on a handful of units in a thin turnout can be bought, rigged or intimidated far more cheaply than a national one. The fewer the eyes, the greater the temptation.

That is the paradox Amupitan must hold in mind. These are not low-stakes elections, because they are small. They are high-risk elections because they are small, and because the country has learned, at considerable cost, how much damage can be done in the shadows where no one is looking.

To his credit, Amupitan has so far said the right things and, in two outings at least, appears to have done them. He has insisted, again and again, that votes will count. He has named vote-buying and vote-trading as a major threat to the nation’s democracy and has charged the security personnel to arrest and prosecute offenders rather than look away. He has pressed for issue-based campaigns and warned candidates against the smear and character assassination that pass, too often, for political argument in this country. And he has set himself a public yardstick on the very matter that has done more than any other to corrode confidence in our elections, the transmission of results.

By Amupitan’s own account, 93 per cent of the results in the Anambra governorship election were on the viewing portal by seven o’clock on election night. That is the standard he has chosen to be measured. The question June 20 will answer is whether that standard survives contact with seven elections held at once, in seven very different places.

Since the day he took the oath, Amupitan has pledged to give Nigeria credible elections.  But no matter how thoroughly INEC prepares, and no matter how sound the law under which it operates, an election can still be undone by security agencies that are partisan, compromised or simply overwhelmed. We hope the security agencies have mapped out their plans for Ekiti State, Enugu North, Nasarawa North, Rivers South-East, Ondo South, Dawakin Kudu/Warawa in Kano State and Zuru in Kebbi State. May the best candidates win.

Much more needs to be done to make democracy meaningful

As Nigeria marks another Democracy Day, it is important to note that the last 27 years have been the longest stretch of civilian government in our history. Indeed, longer than all our earlier republics combined. Under the current dispensation, Nigeria has also transferred power from one political party to another at the ballot box, a thing that once seemed impossible. Today, Nigerians argue loudly and in public. Our citizens take to the streets, as the Nigeria Union of Teachers (NUT) and civil society groups have done in Oyo, Kano, Lagos, Plateau, and beyond these past weeks. That right to protest, petition, and vote their choice is the machinery of a free society. And Nigerians exercise it so routinely that they now take it for granted.

 Even on the economy, where the pain has been real, there are signs that the worst may be passing. Inflation that roared above 33 per cent in 2024 has been brought down to around 15 per cent; the Naira, which not long ago seemed in free fall, has steadied below N1,400 to the dollar; our foreign reserves have soared. These are not abstractions. They are the difference between the currency a family can plan its life around and one it cannot. But the same figures that comfort the policymaker offer cold consolation to the trader in Bodija market or the civil servant in Kaduna, for whom the price of a bag of rice and a litre of fuel remains punishing, and for whom ‘easing inflation’ still means prices that rise, only a little more slowly. A macroeconomy can stabilise while a household sinks, and democracy is judged, in the end, not in the briefing rooms of Abuja but at the kitchen table.

Then there is the matter that no Democracy Day broadcast can talk its way around: the safety of the citizen. What is the essence of holding elections every four years if a child cannot sit in a classroom in Oriire without being marched into the bush at gunpoint? When the gunmen who took those Oyo pupils make demands, they are a standing rebuke to what government represents. So, has democracy served the people? The honest answer is that it has served Nigerians unevenly, and that it has too often been democracy in form, not in substance. We have mastered the ritual of the ballot but not the discipline of accountability.

 This is not an argument against democracy. The cure for the failures of democracy has never been less democracy; it is more of it, and better. Every alternative some people might be tempted to romanticise in frustration, Nigeria has already tried. And they are precisely what June 12 was a revolt against. The whole meaning of the sacred day is that the people’s verdict, freely given, is the only legitimate foundation for power, and that no amount of order purchased at the price of freedom is ever worth the buying.

That precisely is why Nigerians mark June 12 today, even with many children still in captivity and the living conditions still tough. The work that remains -securing our communities, lifting our people out of want, building institutions that serve – is the work of deepening a democracy, not abandoning one. The symbol of that democratic struggle that gave Nigeria June 12, Moshood Abiola, did not die so that we could hold galas. He and several others died so that the Nigerian people might one day be served by a government they truly choose. We are not there yet. But the road there runs through the ballot box. The people returned their verdict in 1993. Our task, three decades on, is to prove ourselves worthy of it.

We wish al Nigerians Happy Democracy Day.

All stakeholders should do more to contain the scourge

Across the country today, the act of kidnapping for ransom has become a growing industry. From ordinary citizens to businessmen and traditional rulers, nobody is safe. Many of the victims have also been killed even when their families paid the demanded ransom for their release. The kidnappers have no regard for age, class or personality as what matters to them is the perceived ransom value of their victims. But many also will point to the way the Oyo State police command rescued Olaide Adegoke John-Paul and her 12-year-old twin sons and arrested four suspected members of the gang linked to their abduction as evidence that when prominent people are involved, the security personnel almost always deliver. John-Paul is a younger sister to the former Minister of Power, Adebayo Adelabu.

Today, many Nigerians can no longer move around freely or even spend quality time with their family without the psychological fear of the dreaded kidnapper lurking around the corner. The concomitant effect of all this is that while citizens live in perpetual fear, investors take their businesses elsewhere. Meanwhile, when this whole madness started, the targets were rich businessmen, politicians, and other well-heeled professionals. But kidnappers have since come to the lower bracket. So prevalent is the crime that the African Insurance Organisation (AIO) once designated Nigeria as the global capital for kidnap for ransom, having overtaken countries like Colombia and Mexico that were hitherto front-runners. The crime has also become a thriving industry with a network of support staff.

To compound the challenge, even families of senior police and military personnel (retired and serving) now pay ransom to kidnappers. Particularly disturbing is the ease with which these kidnappers now target schools. The governing mercantile logic among the kidnappers must be that the abduction of school children is bound to attract huge attention and sympathy, which could in turn translate to heftier ransoms. The danger in allowing this state of affairs to continue, as we have repeatedly warned, is to encourage recourse to self-help by citizens with dire implications.

 Kidnappings, killings and loss of materials and man-hours have become recurrent features on most of the highways. Since a drive through many of the nation’s major roads is now a nightmare, many spots have also become convenient operating centres for kidnappers who lay siege to unsuspecting motorists and other road users. A large country that depends mainly on road transportation for the movement of commodities and persons seems to have surrendered the sector to the tyranny of some unconscionable individuals. But perhaps more worrisome is that too often, even when the security agencies are involved in the rescue bids of kidnapped persons, ransoms are still paid, after which the victims are then abandoned by their abductors for law enforcement agents to “rescue and recover”.

We must, however, highlight the fact that our various communities have a critical role to play in tackling this problem. Kidnappers are not ghosts. They are human beings and they live within communities. Therefore, members of our various communities must realise they have a critical role to play in providing useful information to security agencies that should also begin to act more promptly.

With the increasing sophistication of valued added services offered by communication networks, especially the tracking system, we wonder why it is so difficult for the police to monitor the calls being made by these criminals during negotiations for ransom. But whatever may be the case, we call on security agents to redouble their efforts in dealing with this dangerous phenomenon that is fast turning the country into a huge jungle.

The stakeholders should do more to bring the cost down

The astronomical rise in the cost of cooking gas is posing problems for many consumers in the country. It is particularly biting hard on the ordinary people. Consequently, many families are resorting to cooking with firewood and charcoal as alternative means of energy. With the Nigerian Association of Liquefied Petroleum Gas Marketers (NALPGAM) warning that the challenge could trigger a social upheaval, authorities in the country must find a solution to the problem. The marketers, according to NALPGAM, are grappling with soaring depot prices, supply constraints, logistics challenge and rising operational costs.

In a statement jointly signed by both NALPGAM National President, Edu Inyang, and Executive Secretary, Bassey Essien, marketers now pay between N25.2 million and N26.2 million for 20 metric tonnes of the product. “The citizens of Nigeria now have to buy cooking gas, which should be a social commodity, at a prohibitive cost of over N1,500 per kilogramme,” according to NALPGAM. Meanwhile, the escalating price of gas has inevitably led to an increase in the cost of food items in the market just as people’s purchasing power continues to dwindle in the face of surging prices of essential commodities. This development is all the more confounding against the background that figures from the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) reveal that local production from refineries and gas processing plants have actually increased. They accounted for the bulk of supply between April 2025 and April 2026.

It is scandalous that the cost of cooking gas should be soaring beyond the means of the ordinary people in a country reputed to have the ninth largest deposit of proven gas in the world. Sadly, a large volume of this gas that should have been put into use is flared into the atmosphere every day. The escalating cost of food and cooking gas has prompted the Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (PENGASSAN) to express concerns for the fate of poor families struggling to survive the social economic hardships. The union has attributed the prevailing gas crisis to devaluation of the naira coupled with the inconsistent policy of the government.  

While warning that many Nigerians could be compelled to drop LPG for traditional cooking methods, NALPGAM has noted that its rising cost imposes severe hardship on households, food vendors and small businesses that rely on cooking gas for their daily operations. This is forcing households to reconsider their energy choices amid worsening economic hardship in a country where many can hardly afford Kerosene for cooking. But the option of resorting to firewood should not be encouraged as it contributes to the destruction of the environment. It is therefore important that the problem be expeditiously tackled by relevant stakeholders, given its implications. 

 It is imperative that there be a strong commitment to all the international pacts on climate change, that are aimed at reducing the use of coal, firewood, and encouraging greenhouse gas emissions. To that end, authorities in both the federal and the states should give adequate attention to the gas crisis in the country by granting concessions to importers and people that want to invest in the domestic gas production business.

We commend states like Rivers, Imo, Delta, Edo, Bayelsa and a few others that have established major natural gas processing and liquefaction plants, which supply power and domestic cooking gas while we enjoin others to make investment in the sector. It is only through a significant increase in domestic production of LPG and reduced reliance on imports that we can make the price affordable to the ordinary citizens.

Policing Nigeria has become extremely challenging, with operatives often risking their lives to protect citizens and maintain public safety. Last week, the Inspector General of Police (IGP), Olatunji Disu painted a grim picture of the workplace violence among law enforcement personnel. He revealed that 140 police operatives died in 2024 in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) while on duty. “If you calculate the number of police officers who die annually across Nigeria while protecting citizens,” said the IGP, “you will understand the sacrifices they make to keep the country safe.” 

 As first responders to high conflict situations, police are primary targets of organised crime, increased banditry, armed robberies, and other cocktails of crime. But even so, the fatality rate in the FCT Police Command is still unnerving. If police in Abuja, the seat of power with its menacing presence of all arms of the security forces, are exposed to this high risk of criminality and casualties, what is the toll and intensity in other states? What is, for instance, the overall fatality rate in Borno State, the epicentre of the Boko Haram insurgency?

Unfortunately, as frightening as Disu’s revelations may seem, they are not entirely new. For decades, hundreds of security operatives have been dying in the line of duty. The rising wave of attacks on police officers and their facilities have become part of the general insecurity affecting the country. In 2013, the country was treated to the sensational murder of 74 police officers and 10 Department of State Services (DSS) officers by members of the Ombatse Cult in Lafia, Nasarawa State. Till date, there is no information in the public domain whether these criminals were hunted down and prosecuted, a pointer to some structural defects in the security architecture.

The challenge to security forces is deep, while the tragedy cuts across all security agencies nationwide. The terrorists and bandits across the country are evidently armed through the limitless inflow of small arms and ammunition into the country on a regular basis. A recent security report by SBM Intelligence, titled “The Kill Zone,” recorded at least 1,007 combatant and security fatalities in ambushes between 2019 and 2025. According to the report, at least 454 soldiers and 329 other security personnel (including police, civilian JTF, NSCDC, and vigilantes) were killed during the review period. The casualty figures in the last few months were even more scary.

Many Nigerians are not only worried by the abysmal failure of the police and other security agencies to effectively discharge their mandate, but they are also increasingly disturbed by the inability of the security agencies to protect themselves from harm. If trained and armed law enforcement officers who wield state authority could become easy game for criminals, what chances have ordinary people?

Meanwhile, the Nigerian Police Force (NPF) is seriously understaffed, with a total strength of about 370,000, for a population of more than 200 million. It is thus overworked. Last week, Mr. Disu admitted that “We no longer operate the conventional policing structure of morning, afternoon, and night shifts. Officers work virtually around the clock under very difficult circumstances.” It is little wonder that many go to bed without waking up. In addition, the force is ill-equipped to tackle criminals with more sophisticated weapons. The authorities must find a creative way to effectively fund the internal security agencies so that the appropriate training and equipment required to upgrade their skills can be provided for them.

Indeed, the authorities must do more to stem the current rate of depletion by increasing the capacity of the force, equipping it with modern equipment, and raising their moral. Issues of welfare must be taken care of. There is a relationship between the well-being of the police and the security of the nation and citizens.

There is need to realign the nation’s educational curriculum with needs of the economy

The ‘State of the Nigerian Youth Report 2025,’ recently released by Plan International Nigeria in collaboration with ActionAid Nigeria, found that youth unemployment now stands at 53 per cent. That translates to about 80 million young Nigerians without jobs. “This represents shattered dreams and wasted talent. Unless urgent action is taken, Nigeria risks losing its greatest asset,” the report of these two reputable international non-governmental organisations working with vulnerable and excluded people and communities warned. That half of the nation’s labour force is idle is bad enough. But worse and extremely dangerous is the fact that more than the majority of that army of idle citizens is peopled by those between the ages of 15 and 35. Even if some people may dispute the figures from Plan/ActionAid Nigeria, available reports from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) also confirm a consistent pattern of worsening unemployment in the country.

The danger of such a high level of idleness among millions of young persons is already manifesting in the high level of crimes in virtually every corner of the country. And it should concern all relevant stakeholders. Even without conducting any research on the issue, it is a notorious fact that most of the people who ride in motorcycles to kidnap school children are youths who if otherwise meaningfully engaged might have been unavailable for those anti-social endeavours that now make the country very insecure.

Harping on the danger of this state of affair, former President Olusegun Obasanjo once sounded a note of warning. He said his greatest fear for Nigeria and indeed, the African continent, was “youth explosion as a result of anger, frustration, unemployment and lack of opportunities.” Yet, as dire as that prediction sounded, Obasanjo was only emphasising the worries that have preoccupied many critical stakeholders for quite a while. An uncontrolled demographic bulge at a period of dwindling resources has put the country in a very difficult and potentially explosive situation. Nigeria, the seventh most populous country in the world, has a fertility rate that far outstrips its economic growth. 

Figures available paint a dire situation of millions of Nigerian youths roaming the streets looking for work but finding none. The situation is compounded by the economic environment that has necessitated a situation in which rather than hire, many private enterprises now fire their staff. Joblessness and frustrations are evidently fuelling the sense of youthful volatility and indeed the frequent cases of unrest across the country.

Unfortunately, the response from the authorities to these challenges remains incoherent. Despite all the rhetoric about job creation, the tilt is still towards heavy government participation by way of bubble political jobs as governors appoint thousands of idle special assistants. Besides, incentives for private sector and youth participation are scanty just as a credit regime to drive the sector does not exist. The level of insecurity in many of the communities has also made it practically difficult for farmers to continue to engage in agricultural production. And with rural dwellers denied access to their farms and other sources of legitimate livelihood, it is little surprise that Nigerians are reeling from soaring food prices.

Of more fundamental imperative, however, is that we must urgently realign the nation’s educational curriculum with the needs of the economy. Even though there are many well educated young men out there in the street, it has been said with some measure of justification that many of the school leavers are actually unemployable with regard to their training and skills. It has therefore become necessary that our educational training curriculum at all levels incorporate skills acquisition and entrepreneurial development so that graduates leave school with the capacity to create wealth rather than seeking jobs that are not there.

The authorities must do more to secure and protect our children

On the morning of 15 May, as children in three schools in the Oriire area of Oyo State were settling into the ordinary rituals of a school day, more than a dozen gunmen on motorcycles rode into Baptist Nursery and Primary School, Yawota; Community Grammar School, Esiele; and L.A. Primary School. By the time they rode back into the forest, an assistant headmaster and a motorcyclist lay dead while dozens of pupils and their teachers were herded into the bush at gunpoint. A few days later, the abductors beheaded one of those teachers. Later still, a member of the security forces who had joined the rescue effort died after running into explosives the kidnappers had planted on the trail.

Meanwhile, on the very same day in distant Borno State, gunmen seized more than 40 children from a school in the Askira/Uba area, as though to remind Nigerians that this is not a local tragedy but a national condition. Those abducted Borno children are still unaccounted for while the pupils and the surviving teachers of the Oyo State tragedy remain somewhere in the forest. The principal of one of the schools, herself a captive, has filmed a video from the bush, begging the country to remember that they are alive and waiting.

For years, Nigerians had comforted themselves that this was an affliction restricted to a section of the country, a problem of ungoverned forests far from where the powerful sleep. Not anymore. Today, no zone in the country is safe from these marauders. And lest anyone imagine that proximity to power offers protection, last week in Ibadan, the capital of Oyo State, gunmen abducted the younger sister of a former Minister of Power, together with her 12-year-old twin sons, while on the school run. Fortunately, they have regained their freedom.

In the aftermath of the April 2014 abduction of 276 schoolgirls from Government Girls Secondary School, Chibok, Borno State, a coalition of Nigerian business leaders, working with the former British Prime Minister Gordon Brown in his capacity as United Nations envoy, launched what was christened the Safe Schools Initiative. Tens of millions of dollars were pledged and raised. And then the project quietly lost its breath. Today, going by most reports, more than 42,000 vulnerable schools across the country still stand without so much as a perimeter fence between a child and a kidnapper.

 Perimeter fencing, solar-powered lighting, early-warning systems, and rapid-response protocols are the minimum decency we owe a child who shows up to learn. Some form of properly designed and checked sub-national policing is a matter of survival. The Nigeria Union of Teachers (NUT) has refused to suffer in silence by taking its grief to the streets in Lagos, Kano, Plateau, Enugu, Osun, Taraba, Kogi, and other states. The teachers have also threatened to shut down the nation’s classrooms if the government does not act.  In response, there is a presidential directive to recruit 1,000 Forest guards. But a specialised security unit announced in a press release is not the same as a child returned to his/her mother.

 Education is the one thing that might, in a generation, drain the swamp from which banditry rises. Already, the sheer weight of insecurity is making many parents reluctant to send their wards to school in a nation already plagued with millions of out-of-school children. Indeed, Amnesty International Nigeria has warned on the consequences of the ongoing wave of kidnappings targeting schools. “The trauma that comes with being abducted, or with the fear of being abducted, is going to prevent thousands of children from getting an education completely,” according to Country Director, Isa Sanusi. Sadly, many schools, especially in rural communities across the country, are easy targets for these criminals. 

  A nation that cannot keep its children in school has, in the most literal sense, mortgaged its future. Therefore, guarding schools and equipping them with electronic warning systems and devices that help track affected locations are minimum requirements. If children cannot freely and safely go to schools, and citizens freedom is curtailed by fear of abduction and kidnapping, where lies the soul of our republic?

We must take good care of the environment

To mark the 2026 World Environment Day (WED) with the theme, ‘Inspired by Nature: For Climate. For Our Future’, the Nigerian Conservation Foundation (NCF) has urged the government, communities, businesses, and citizens to turn global commitments into local actions. The Foundation has also called on President Bola Tinubu to urgently act on the National Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan and immediately sign the Endangered Species Conservation and Protection Bill into law. We endorse their position, even as we call on all authorities in the country and critical stakeholders to take the environment more seriously.

 The WED was established in 1972 to promote worldwide awareness and action on environmental issues such as climate change, pollution, biodiversity loss, deforestation, and sustainable living. According to the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), this year focuses on the urgent signals the earth is sending, and the signals humanity chooses to send back. Meanwhile, in terms of overall biodiversity richness, Nigeria ranks 36th globally, with particularly high diversity in birds, mammals, and vascular plants,” according to the NCF which expressed concern about the mounting threats to biodiversity in the country.

No fewer than 171 Nigerian plant species have been classified as endangered and vulnerable by the World Bank. These species of high medicinal and food value are stripped from our forests through commercial activities that cause rapid deforestation at about 400,000 hectares per annum. Experts have warned that their disappearance could disrupt the nation’s genetic resource with a resultant threat to our biodiversity. Therefore, signing the Endangered Species Conservation and Protection Bill, 2025 into law will provide the legal backbone needed to prosecute wildlife crimes, regulate trade, and deter the exploitation of threatened species.

Unfortunately, it would seem the nation is not paying attention to the fact that many plants and animals are going into extinction. Perhaps because there is so much preoccupation with today there is hardly a thought about tomorrow. Yet we need to stress the importance of the preservation of nature’s gifts for the future. Nigeria is located within the rainforest of tropical Africa, which extends from the coast of West Africa to the basin of River Congo. The area, as documented by conservationists, has about 8,000 species of which more than 80 per cent are endemic. Regardless, there is no recent record of the status of plants and animal species in the country.

The last known documentation of the nation’s plants and animal species was done in 1992 by the Federal Environment Protection Agency (FEPA). The document titled ‘Biological Diversity in Nigeria: A Country Study’ states that two species of animals and 20 species of plants had become extinct since 1950. Contemporary record documented in the study shows that 305 species of plants are endemic, 48 species of animals and 431 species of plants are endangered; 16 species of animals and 45 species of plants are categorised as rare; 30 species of animals and 20 species of plants are vulnerable. The study shows that plants that are gravely depleted are species exploited for natural medicine and food, timber, woodcarving, cane furniture, dyes, and cosmetics. The cause of the decrease in population is given in each case as over exploitation.

 This makes the call for the intervention of all critical stakeholders in conservation efforts very important. Government, at all levels, should also encourage the establishment of botanical gardens and horticultural centres where these endangered plants would be grown. These plant species usually grow in the wild, but there will be sustainability if they are cultivated deliberately. But much more importantly, as Nigeria joins other countries to mark the 2026 World Environment Day, we must control the trade in plant species, particularly through cross-border activities.

The criminals should be served full weight of the law

Increasingly, many Nigerians are now living in fear over growing cases of ritual killings. Last week, security operatives arrested a suspected serial killer who reportedly confessed to murdering dozens of people in the Odukpani Local Government Area of Cross River State. The suspect claimed he was assisted by a woman who usually lured unsuspecting victims to isolated locations where they were murdered, obviously for ritual purposes. But the Odukpani killings are not isolated incidents. While there may be no reliable statistics, the menace of missing persons and ritual killings across the country has become pronounced. Indeed, it has become so obvious that a civil society organisation, ‘Enough is Enough’, has since opened a website to document the trend.

From Lagos to Port Harcourt, Enugu and other cities across the country, hardly a week passes without tales of some people killed for what are attributed to ritual purposes. Last November, a Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC) officer and her 12-year-old daughter, were gruesomely murdered in Osun State by a family friend who lured them to the shrine of a herbalist where they were slaughtered and dismembered, with their vital organs removed. And in April this year, the Kwara State Police Command apprehended a man with the skull of a deceased family member whose remains he had exhumed.

 Ritual killing is not a new criminal challenge. In March 2014, the nation was thrown into confusion when a kidnappers’ den was discovered in Soka community, Ibadan, Oyo State. After the den was raided by some commercial motorcyclists who were searching for two of their missing colleagues, human skulls, dried human parts alongside malnourished victims reportedly reserved for ritual purposes, were discovered. In August 2018, the Lagos police arrested one Taiwo Akinola, a suspected cult member, for allegedly attempting to kill his mother for money rituals.  

But perhaps one of the most celebrated cases was that of the Port Harcourt serial killer, Gracious David-West who reportedly lured seven young ladies with high-risk lifestyle across Lagos, Imo and Rivers State to hotels and murdered them for rituals. Similarly, a young graduate who was raped and murdered while searching for a job in Uyo environs, Akwa Ibom State, few years ago, was reportedly used for ritual purposes. There was also the horrifying murder of a 300-Level undergraduate of Delta State University, Abraka, by a gang of four yahoo boys. One of the criminals told the police that they took the young lady to a bush where they plucked out her eyes, removed her breast and heart.  

But the questions inevitably arise: What are the motives? What could be the cause of these grim acts of violence against fellow human beings, and indeed, the society? What could account for these barbaric acts of violence even among the supposedly educated citizens? Many attribute the menace to the growing sense of desperation to acquire wealth, without work. Amid the prevailing poverty and joblessness in the land, many have resorted to doing anything, no matter how weird, for wealth. Yet, there is no proven link between the costly rituals and the instant wealth promised through magical potions by herbalists and voodoo practitioners even when our society is now ravaged by it.

Today, many of our university campuses have become breeding grounds for Yahoo boys and girls who are looking for instant wealth. Sadly, the education they received does not rid them of the superstition that wealth comes from productive enterprises and not from human body. And with that, many innocent citizens are becoming victims to barbaric killings.

All stakeholders must do more to contain the scourge

The latest report by the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control and Prevention (NCDC) on the cholera outbreak in Borno State, with more than 4000 suspected cases and 39 associated deaths across seven local government areas is worrying. But it does not even tell the complete story of the tragedy. The Borno State government has raised the alarm that more than 3,000 people have been affected with 37 lives already lost. A few weeks ago, the NCDC Director-General, Jide Idris, warned that the country has entered the seasonal window when cholera cases historically surge, with early surveillance data already showing increasing infections across several states. “These forecasts are particularly concerning because they coincide with the period when cholera transmission typically accelerates,” Idris said. “Flooding can contaminate water sources and disrupt sanitation systems, creating conditions for rapid spread.”

 For more than four decades, cholera has not only been a recurring disease in Nigeria but has also led to the death of thousands of people, especially children. Mostly contracted through drinking contaminated water and eating waste products, cholera often leads to the infection of the small intestine. That Nigerians are still afflicted by such a disease in this age tells a compelling story about the state of the country. The sad part is that in many of our states, the villagers and rural dwellers are left to rely on streams as the only source of drinking water, and there are no adequate provisions for disposing waste. In most cases, the people even rely on stagnant water for washing their clothes and other items.

The problem becomes more compounded when and where there are no modern medical facilities to assist in the treatment of the disease. Meanwhile, the spread of cholera becomes worse when the environment is not clean; when the water system is not treated and when sanitation is not taken seriously. According to the NCDC, in communities affected by the outbreak of the infectious disease, open defecation is a common practice. “There is also inadequate WASH infrastructure and supplies including wastewater management facilities,” the agency said.

Fortunately, with effective coordination, the disease can be contained quickly. But the real challenge is to work towards its eradication from Nigeria as it has been done in many other countries. Therefore, more surveillance, more awareness, more resourcing, and better coordination will be necessary to reduce deaths from cholera and other preventable diseases. The World Health Organisation (WHO) has consistently stressed that no human should die from preventable diseases like cholera.  There is an urgent need for public enlightenment on healthy living. Experts have advised that people should ensure their food (cooked or uncooked) is properly covered while regular handwashing should be adhered to always.

 Cholera kills when a person loses too much body fluids, meaning such deaths are preventable if victims are quickly rehydrated. Since no vaccine has been developed to work against cholera, what is commonly used is oral rehydration salts (ORS) as part of measures to mitigate the problem. But prevention is still very much better than cure. To that extent, our rural dwellers and the urban poor should be taught the rules of basic hygiene.  

The world has moved ahead of the era where cholera kills citizens. That we are still witnessing outbreaks of cholera is a serious indictment on our healthcare delivery.  Healthcare officials and other critical stakeholders in Nigeria must therefore do more in providing adequate clean water for the citizens, especially for those that are in the rural areas.

Regulators should do more to curb reckless driving

In the past two weeks, the alarm clock of a mother of four, Amarachi Promise Esomonu, has been ringing needlessly. The alarm used to rouse her from sleep to prepare the children (aged three, four and 10) for school. But it is now of no use as there are no children going to school anymore. Esomonu recently lost her three children in an unfortunate accident in the Ogbunabali area of Port Harcourt, Rivers State.A lady on a driving lesson reportedly veered off the public road and rammed into the Esomonu family house, killing her three children instantly. A viral video of the distraught woman was seen sobbing uncontrollably and seeking help. The State Police Command has ordered an investigation into the tragedy, but that does not lessen the grief of family members and public outrage.

While we commiserate with the Esomonu family for this tragic loss, the incident has again brought to fore the needless waste of lives across the country through traffic accidents. But this also brings into sharp focus the regulatory environment. In societies where people live according to law,driving lessons are conducted by accredited driving schools in specified locations. Even here, the Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC) has a list of accredited driving schools where learners are formally trained, certified before a driver’s license is issued. But many times, the law is observed in the breach. Across the country today, driving lessons are done anywhere, and licenses can be issued to anyone as long as the right “fees” are paid. According to reports, the Esomonu children were killed in front of their home, and curiously, after dark around 8.30pm. What was a learner doing on the wheel at such a time of the night?

Meanwhile, beyond ensuring justice for the family of the deceased children, there is an urgent need to curb a reckless driving culture occasioned by excessive speeding, making calls or texting on cell phones while on the wheel, and drunk driving. In recent years, the FRSC has identified the behaviour of road users as one of the reasons for high fatalities in road crashes that are making Nigerian roads a theatre of blood. Vehicles that carry passengers beyond their capacity as well as trailers overloaded with people and livestock are vulnerable to high-impact accidents that occur almost daily. Sign-light and route violations, dangerous overtaking, and mechanical failures such as brake malfunctions have also significantly contributed to fatalities.

There is also the issue of seat belts which many don’t use. Seat belts are not mere ornaments but are standard safety equipment of every modern car to cushion the impact of a car crash on the occupants, particularly the driver and the passenger in the front seat. Indeed, there’s hardly a day when some families are not thrown into mourning because of road accidents. According to the National Bureau of Statistics, 1,347 people were killed and thousands more were injured in 2,720 road crashes nationwide in just the first quarter of 2026. Within the same period last year some 1,593 Nigerians lost their lives in road traffic crashes. The FRSC notes that the country averages around 5,000 deaths and 30,000 injuries annually. This is tragic and undesirable.  

While we commend initiatives like the Nigeria Road Safety Strategy (2021-2030) and the National Crash Reporting Information System (NACRIS) by the FRSC, more should be done to prevent the needless deaths on our roads. But the Esomonu tragedy should compel a searchlight on the operations of driving schools in the country. No driving learner should be on the wheel at night. If there are no guidelines to that effect, the FRSC should look into it. Our roads should not be made available for potential killers.

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 ZARIA AS CONTINUITY REDEFINED  

 Zaria, jewel of Northern heritage, is being rebuilt, and repositioned, argues ZUBAIR ABDURRA’UF IDRIS 

Every son and daughter of Zaria deserves more than promises etched on paper — they deserve progress they can see, touch, and live. For three remarkable years, that vision has walked the streets of Zaria under the steady, people-first leadership of Governor Senator Uba Sani. To declare “Zaria is forgotten” is not just inaccurate; it is to willfully close one’s eyes to a city that is being rebuilt, brick by brick, heart by heart.

Within the hallowed walls of Sir Kasim Ibrahim House, Kaduna’s seat of governance, the last three years have been defined by a relentless drive for renewal. Governor Uba Sani’s _Rural and Urban Transformation Agenda_ has been more than a slogan. It is a covenant. It earned him the revered title “Apostle of Rural and Urban Transformation” — _Limanin Karkara da Birane_ — and Zaria, the crown jewel of Northern heritage, stands as one of its grandest beneficiaries. This is governance that does not seek applause in headlines, but reverence in results.

For too long, Unguwar Magajiya bore the scars of neglect — roads that turned to rivers with every rainfall, paths that tested patience more than tires. Today, those stories belong to the past.  

The entire Unguwar Magajiya township road network has been reconstructed from foundation to asphalt, crowned with functional drainage that now channels floodwaters away from homes and businesses.  

But it did not stop there. Link roads radiating from Unguwar Magajiya through the historic corridors of Zaria City — Limanci down to Kasuwar Amarilu, stretching through Unfuwar Liman to Albatkawa — were graded, stabilized, and asphalted under the bold “Legacy Cities” program. Zaria was not pushed to the margins. Zaria was placed at the center of the map, where it belongs. This is not continuity abandoned. This is continuity redefined.

A hospital is not just mortar and paint; it is hope made visible. At *General Hospital Zaria*, also known as *Gambo Sawaba General Hospital*, wards once worn by time have been rehabilitated, equipped with modern medical tools, and staffed with more doctors, nurses, and technicians to meet the needs of a growing population.  

Across Zaria LGA, Primary Health Centres — the first line of defense for every mother and child — were transformed. Solar power now keeps vaccines cold through the night. Boreholes now bring clean water to waiting patients. Drug revolving funds now ensure shelves are stocked when emergencies strike. This is access. This is dignity. This is government that meets people where they are.

Zaria has always been a city of scholars, and the last three years have honored that legacy. Public primary and secondary schools across the metropolis were renovated with new classrooms, modern furniture, and water + sanitation facilities under the World Bank-backed AGILE and IDEAS programs. Children now learn in spaces that inspire, not depress.  

At *KASU Zaria Campus*, the state government reinforced infrastructure and student welfare, ensuring our tertiary institutions remain engines of innovation. Beyond classrooms, National Assembly members complemented these efforts with constituency scholarships and ICT training hubs — planting seeds of knowledge that will outlive us all.

Zaria’s transformation extends beyond the obvious. Solar streetlights now glow along suburban roads, making nights safer. Rural electrification projects have brought power to communities long in darkness. Through KADSAP and IFAD, Zaria farmers received inputs, training, and market linkages — because an empowered farmer is a stronger economy. Water supply interventions are steadily easing the burden on households across the city. These are the quiet revolutions that change lives without making noise.

Let it be said plainly: those peddling the “Zaria Left Behind” narrative are economical with the truth. Their urgency appears driven more by data bundles and the mechanics of social media engagement than by facts on the ground. Meanwhile, Governor Uba Sani has administered with fairness, balance, and an inclusive spirit that reminds every community: your vote matters beyond election day. “Consolidation and Continuity” was never abandoned. It was sharpened — refocused on the basics that matter most: roads our people ply, clinics that save lives, and schools that shape futures.

Is Zaria where it should be? Not yet — and honesty demands we say so. The ancient city still yearns for the revival of its industrial giants: *Zarinject, the Ginnery, and other factories* that once gave it economic muscle. The much-touted “Zaria Water Project” under the previous El-Rufa’i administration remains, in the words of many citizens, “a sham rainbow rhetoric” — beautiful in promise, absent in delivery. Those are fights for tomorrow.

But to pretend that “nothing has been done” today is to insult the intelligence of every Zaria resident who now drives on smoother roads, whose children learn in better classrooms, and whose sick find care in revamped clinics. Exclusion? No. Zaria is not excluded. Zaria is moving. Zaria is rising.

Let the conversation evolve. Let us retire the tired lament of “we’ve been left behind” and embrace the urgent, optimistic call of “let’s do more, faster.” Zaria’s history is too grand for victimhood. Its future is too bright for cynicism.  

Under Uba Sani, a new vision at Sir Kasim Ibrahim Imam House continued evolve, Zaria is not forgotten. It is being remembered, rebuilt, and repositioned for greatness.

  Idris is a Public Affairs Analyst and Board Member Nigeria Electricity Management Services Agency (NEMSA)